Saturday, January 28, 2012

Aquino acts to decongest prison cells

Manila Standard Today -- Aquino acts to decongest prison cells -- 2012/january/28

"x x x.

PRESIDENT Benigno Aquino III on Friday ordered the transfer of prisoners who are about to finish serving their sentences to military camps to decongest the National Bilibid Prison in Muntinlupa.

Mr. Aquino said the military camps, including the Philippine Military Academy, will absorb the prisoners as “maintenance workforce.”

The Bilibid prison can hold only 9,000 inmates but now houses more than 20,000. That means each cell that is meant for five people now holds 12 to 13.

“A piece of fish that is supposed to be for one prisoner will be shared by three inmates,” Mr. Aquino said during the launching of the Bureau of Corrections road map on Friday.

“This is why we are looking for a better location for the NBP to transform it into a more effective correctional facility.”

Mr. Aquino said he had also ordered the Justice Department to include data from the bureau in the computerized National Justice Information System database.

“It was brought to my attention that prisoners who have served their sentences and were supposed to have been freed a long time ago remain imprisoned because data on their cases are still in index cards,” Mr. Aquino said.

“These index cards are easily doctored because there is no efficient system and proper coordination among the concerned agencies.”

Mr. Aquino also renewed his pitch for the Bureau of Corrections Modernization Bill to provide more equipment and training to jail guards and wardens. Joyce Pangco PaƱares"

Legal services: Psst, wanna buy a law firm? | The Economist

Legal services: Psst, wanna buy a law firm? | The Economist

In the Philippines, which is very conservative in its Legal Ethics rules, nonlawyers cannot own a law firm. This is not so in the UK. Read the article below. In the USA, there are states where nonlawyers, e.g. CPAs, may merge with lawyers in one law firm. Australia, too, is becoming more and more creative on the matter. Filipino lawyers, I think, are not yet prepared to go the way of UK, et. al. Even only on the issue of lawyer ads, in the Philippines, the same is prohibited. Only routine business cards and conservative lawyers lists are allowed to promote one's law practice.


"x x x.

LAWYERS have long considered themselves a breed apart: highly educated professionals, not dim-witted businessmen who think a “whereas” is a man who turns into a small member of the horse family when the moon is full. Many countries bar business types from owning even a bit (much less all) of a law firm. But in Britain, that law changed in October.

Companies are queuing up to form new “alternative business structures” (ABS). The Solicitors Regulation Authority, the biggest legal regulator, has received at least 65 applications. The first ABSs should be approved in February.

The “alternative” possibilities are many. Irwin Mitchell, a big personal-injury firm, may float its shares. Slater & Gordon, which in 2007 became the first Australian firm to go public, has since bought some smaller firms and nearly tripled its revenues, to A$182m ($194m).

Another new structure will be that of the Co-operative, a membership organisation best known for its supermarkets, but which also runs a bank and buries and cremates more people than any other entity in Britain. The Co-op already has a legal arm for its members. Approval as an ABS will let it sell the same services to the general public. In anticipation, it plans to add 150 people to its current legal staff of 400.

Liberalisation will make lawyering cheaper, say its boosters. Tech-savvy entrepreneurs may buy or start law firms and offer more services online. Quindell Portfolio, a software-outsourcing company, has said it will seek approval to buy Silverbeck Rymer, a Liverpool-based law firm. Newcomers may be less deferential to tradition, and more innovative. Tony Williams of Jomati, a consultancy, says that if lawyers “insist they’re not a business, they’ll carry on until they’re out of business.”

Many lawyers fear that cheap, off-the-shelf products will replace expert advice.(The nickname “Tesco Law” has stuck, though Tesco, a supermarket chain, has not applied to become an ABS.) Critics of change also fret that taking outside capital might make lawyers favour investors over clients. But lawyers have always cared about making money, and giving duff legal advice is seldom a good business plan.

Liberalisation will probably affect low-end services first, such as will-writing and conveyancing. Britain’s “Magic Circle” of big profitable partnerships (Clifford Chance, Allen & Overy, Linklaters and Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer) show little interest in being bought—by Tesco or anyone else. But if their new rivals prove capable, they may have to adapt. Some see this. Clifford Chance has had a back office in India for years. Allen & Overy launched one in Belfast last year. Recession-racked clients demand value for money.

Foreigners are watching Britain’s example with interest. Current American law on this issue is like Britain’s used to be. But Jacoby & Meyers, a big personal-injury firm, is suing three states (New York, New Jersey and Connecticut) for the right to raise outside capital. The managing partner, Andrew Finkelstein, has already talked to potential outside partners about buying in, but can go no further unless the rule is overturned. (He has not yet talked to investment bankers about going public, but he says he is interested.) The states are trying to get the suit thrown out on a technicality. Jacoby & Meyers may lose this round. But if Britain’s reform is successful, the American old guard may struggle to win the next one on the merits."


Mass Incarceration and Criminal Justice in America : The New Yorker

Mass Incarceration and Criminal Justice in America : The New Yorker

This is an indictment of US prisons and criminal justice system. If US prisons are bad, one should better see the condition of Philippine prisons nationwide, which is worse. Although there have been physical and other improvements of Philippine prisons in the past, they are still overloaded or crowded, dirty, unsafe, underfunded, and understaffed. At any rate, the Phil. Gov. is doing its best to improve its prisons system and to professionalize its jail personnel within  the limits of its financial straits.


"x x x.

For most privileged, professional people, the experience of confinement is a mere brush, encountered after a kid’s arrest, say. For a great many poor people in America, particularly poor black men, prison is a destination that braids through an ordinary life, much as high school and college do for rich white ones. More than half of all black men without a high-school diploma go to prison at some time in their lives. Mass incarceration on a scale almost unexampled in human history is a fundamental fact of our country today—perhaps the fundamental fact, as slavery was the fundamental fact of 1850. In truth, there are more black men in the grip of the criminal-justice system—in prison, on probation, or on parole—than were in slavery then. Over all, there are now more people under “correctional supervision” in America—more than six million—than were in the Gulag Archipelago under Stalin at its height. That city of the confined and the controlled, Lockuptown, is now the second largest in the United States.
The accelerating rate of incarceration over the past few decades is just as startling as the number of people jailed: in 1980, there were about two hundred and twenty people incarcerated for every hundred thousand Americans; by 2010, the number had more than tripled, to seven hundred and thirty-one. No other country even approaches that. In the past two decades, the money that states spend on prisons has risen at six times the rate of spending on higher education. Ours is, bottom to top, a “carceral state,” in the flat verdict of Conrad Black, the former conservative press lord and newly minted reformer, who right now finds himself imprisoned in Florida, thereby adding a new twist to an old joke: A conservative is a liberal who’s been mugged; a liberal is a conservative who’s been indicted; and a passionate prison reformer is a conservative who’s in one.

The scale and the brutality of our prisons are the moral scandal of American life. Every day, at least fifty thousand men—a full house at Yankee Stadium—wake in solitary confinement, often in “supermax” prisons or prison wings, in which men are locked in small cells, where they see no one, cannot freely read and write, and are allowed out just once a day for an hour’s solo “exercise.” (Lock yourself in your bathroom and then imagine you have to stay there for the next ten years, and you will have some sense of the experience.) Prison rape is so endemic—more than seventy thousand prisoners are raped each year—that it is routinely held out as a threat, part of the punishment to be expected. The subject is standard fodder for comedy, and an uncoƶperative suspect being threatened with rape in prison is now represented, every night on television, as an ordinary and rather lovable bit of policing. The normalization of prison rape—like eighteenth-century japery about watching men struggle as they die on the gallows—will surely strike our descendants as chillingly sadistic, incomprehensible on the part of people who thought themselves civilized. Though we avoid looking directly at prisons, they seep obliquely into our fashions and manners. Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a hidden foundation for the country.

x x x."

The US vs. Genuine Reforms at the UN » Counterpunch: Tells the Facts, Names the Names

The US vs. Genuine Reforms at the UN » Counterpunch: Tells the Facts, Names the Names


We in the Philippines might not feel it, but for many years now there's tension between USA and UN as a world entity on so many fronts, mostly funding, human rights, and Middle East hot spot, especially during the reign of Pres. G. .Bush marked by 9/11 trauma.


"x x x.

The fact is, there has been much sabre-rattling in the US Congress targeting the UN. The campaign, led by Republican congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, chairwoman of the House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee, is threatening the UN with all sorts of punishment if the organization does not cease its criticism of Israel and tighten the noose around Iran. Naturally, the UN is not meeting the expectations of Ros-Lehtinen and her peers. It happens to be a body that represents the interests of all its member states. Some US politicians, however, see the world through the distorted logic of former president George W. Bush: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.”

The late British author and humanitarian doctor Theodore MacDonald showed that the US actually has a love-hate relationship with the UN. In his final book, Preserving the United Nations; Our Best Hope for Mediating Human Rights, MacDonald reveals a strange reality: that the US and its allies labor to undermine the UN, while also using it to further their own military, political and economic objectives. Expectedly, successive US governments had mastered the art of political manipulation at the UN. When successfully co-opted to accommodate US military designs, the UN suddenly becomes true to its mission – per Washington’s account, of course. However, when US pressures failed to yield a unified front against Iraq in late 2002, President Bush asked in his first address to the United Nations, on September 12, 2002: “Will the United Nations serve the purpose of its founding, or will it be irrelevant?”

The Bush years were rife with such ultimatums – to the UN and the whole world. However, a similar attitude continues to define the administration of Barack Obama. The US latest assault on the UN is now happening under the guise of reforms, but no ‘reforms’ are possible without first creating the needed polarization aimed at pushing for an American agenda. Joe Torsella, the US Deputy Ambassador for Management and Reform of the United Nation, spoke of the latest US efforts at reining in the 47-nation Geneva-based Human Rights Council. “The US will work to forge a new coalition at the UN in New York, a kind of ‘credibility caucus’ to promote truly competitive elections, rigorous application of membership criteria, and other reforms aimed at keeping the worst offenders on the sidelines,” he said (Reuters, Jan 20).

UNHRC is an outspoken critic of human rights violations. As of late, the organization has been particularity vocal regarding the rights violations underway in Syria. It is also very critical of Israel and its one-sided wars and human rights violations in Gaza and the rest of the occupied territories. For years, the US has conspired to undercut, intimidate and silence this criticism.

The Reuters report on the US latest push for the supposed reforms states: “Council members include China, Russia and other countries where rights groups say abuses are commonplace.” To offset the seeming inconsistency – between UNHRC mission and its members’ records – the US, according to Torsella, wants to “hold Human Rights Council members to the same standard of truly free and fair elections that the U.N. promotes around the world, and insist on the highest standards of integrity for the Council and all its members.” Viewed without context, it is a noble endeavor indeed. However, it becomes a tainted statement when one considers that the US status at the UN has been achieved through the least democratic of all means: a disproportionate political power (the veto) and money (used for arm-twisting).

Attempting to curb and contain the UN, as opposed to punishing and boycotting the international body, is basically what sets Democrats apart from Republicans. Unlike Republicans, “the other side of the debate (mostly Democrats) believes that achieving these reforms requires strong American leadership – and strong leadership is demonstrated by paying dues on time and in full. You can call this side ‘constructive engagement,’” wrote Mark Leon Goldberg in the UN Dispatch (January 20). Practically, both approaches are aimed at achieving similar outcomes: realizing US policies, rewarding allies and punishing foes – even at the expense of the noble mission once championed by the UN over 65 years ago.

While the latest push for ‘reforms’ is being hailed by Washington’s media cheerleaders, no honest commentator could possibly believe the US campaign against UNESCO, UNHRC and the UN as a whole represents a genuine democratic endeavor. In fact, the truly urgent reforms required right now are ones that aim at correcting what MacDonald described in his book as the UN’s “foundational defects”.

MacDonald counseled for immediate addressing of the “issue of permanent membership and the use of the veto”. He also recommended the granting of greater power to the General Assembly and eliminating the “imposed use of the US dollar” in mediating UN transitional affairs. MacDonald’s guidelines for reforms are comprehensive, and rely on the concept of equality, guided by humanitarian and moral urgencies.

The same can hardly be said of Washington’s latest UN intrigues and shady politics.

Ramzy Baroud is editor of PalestineChronicle.com. He is the author of The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle and “My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story” (Pluto Press, London).

x x x."

Employers, you might (or might not) be liable for retaliation if . . . : Employment and Labor Insider : Constangy Brooks and Smith: Insight into workplace, affirmative action, workers' compensation, occupational safety, class action, and wage and hour law.

Employers, you might (or might not) be liable for retaliation if . . . : Employment and Labor Insider : Constangy Brooks and Smith: Insight into workplace, affirmative action, workers' compensation, occupational safety, class action, and wage and hour law.


Below is an article on US labor law on RETALIATION. In the Philippines, UNFAIR LABOR PRACTICE is its equivalent in labor relations law. The Philippine labor code meets world labor law standards, more or less.


"x x x.

Retaliation is essentially taking action against an employee because the employee engaged in some type of activity that is protected by law. The law breaks it down into three parts, each of which the employee has to prove:

1-The employee engages in some type of legally protected activity(more on this below).

2-"Adverse employment action" is taken by the company.

3-There is a "causal nexus" (that's "connection" to you and me) between the protected activity and the adverse action. In other words, there has to be some reason to believe that the adverse action was taken because of the protected activity.

Almost all federal and state employment laws have anti-retaliation provisions. In the labor relations arena, the "non-discrimination" provisions in the National Labor Relations Act are essentially anti-retaliation provisions. A wrongful discharge lawsuit where an employee claims he was terminated for refusing to break the law or for complying with the law is also essentially a retaliation claim.

"Protected activity" can include such things as filing a charge or lawsuit, providing truthful testimony or other help to someone else in connection with a charge or lawsuit, or making an internal complaint about unlawful practices. These activities may be protected even if the employee is wrong -- as long as the employee had a good-faith belief that the employer's conduct was illegal. (Sometimes the employee's belief must also be objectively reasonable to be protected -- check the relevant law and the interpretations from courts in your jurisdiction.)


x x x."

Raps filed vs SC spokesman over WB fund mess - The Philippine Star » News » Headlines

Raps filed vs SC spokesman over WB fund mess - The Philippine Star » News » Headlines

Supreme Court fund mess has been exposed by World Bank. The media also pounced on it. A party-list rep wants it investigated by the OMB. The scandal aggravates the poor image of the Judiciary caused by the CJ Corona impeachment trial. It'll further lower the already very low (scandalously low, actually) survey ratings of CJ Corona and the Supreme Court, the first in 25 years.



"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines - Supreme Court Administrator and spokesman Jose Midas Marquez is facing charges for alleged misuse of the high tribunal’s Judicial Reform Support Project (JRSP) funds from the World Bank (WB) and for abusing his office by lawyering for Chief Justice Renato Corona who is facing an impeachment trial at the Senate.

In a three-page complaint filed before the Office of the Ombudsman yesterday, Akbayan party-list Rep. Walden Bello said Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales should investigate Marquez for possible criminal and administrative offenses.

Marquez decried Akbayan’s move, saying it was still premature because the Supreme Court (SC) is presently addressing the WB’s concerns.

Bello said there are supposed irregularities in the implementation and management of the JRSP as evidenced by “disturbing details” pointing to him and Corona “at the center of another tangle of questionable transactions” involving funds intended to expedite case resolution and increase access to justice, among others.

“Based on reports sourced from the World Bank, Mr. Marquez’s designation as court administrator, head of the Public Information Office and chair of the Bids and Awards Committee led to a ‘breakdown in internal controls’,” he said.

He alleged that ineligible expenditures were charged against the project funds and contracts were approved and awarded despite issues flagged by the Office of the Court Attorney.

“As a result of these irregularities, implementation of key components of the JRSP has stalled. Furthermore, the WB has asked the Supreme Court (SC) to refund the $199,000 (or roughly P8.6 million) in ineligible expenditures,” Bello’s complaint read.

He argued that the amount, which was funded through a loan and therefore a liability of the state, would inevitably be paid for from public coffers.

x x x."

Older Prisoners Mean Rising Health Costs, Study Finds - NYTimes.com

Older Prisoners Mean Rising Health Costs, Study Finds - NYTimes.com

I don't have the numbers of prisoners in Philippine jails who are deemed seniors, but I suppose their total would not be too far from US stats on the matter. Read the article below. Click the link above.


"x x x.

State or federal prisons now hold about 26,200 people 65 years and older, and about 124,000 inmates older than 55, the report said. The number of incarcerated people who are older than 55 has grown at a rate six times that of the rest of the prison population.

While most elderly inmates have been in prison for years, the number of older people just entering has also been increasing — along with the cost of their care.

In Michigan, the annual cost of health care for the average inmate was $5,800, according to the study, a figure that increased to $11,000 for prisoners aged 55 to 59. The cost spiraled to $40,000 a year for inmates 80 years and older.

x x x."

The Indefinite Detention of Citizens and Non-Citizens Under the NDAA | Joanne Mariner | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia

The Indefinite Detention of Citizens and Non-Citizens Under the NDAA | Joanne Mariner | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia

The Philippines is luckier that the USA in the sense that the former does not have (yet) the US equivalent of a "National Defense Authorization Act" (NDAA) that authorizes the President to INDEFINITELY DETAIN its citizens as an anti-terrorism legal tool. It will be recalled, though, that during the dreaded martial law regime and post martial law rule (1972-86) of Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos, he had both legislative and judicial powers merged in himself as head of state (Amendment No. 6, 1973 Constitution) and the power to issue search warrants and warrants of arrest and to detain Filipinos indefinitely (ASSO or the arrest, search and seizure order).


"x x x.

The Indefinite Detention of US Citizens

The passage of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), a federal statute essentially meant to codify the Guantanamo approach to justice, evoked a fair measure of outrage and alarm. Right wing radio announcer Rush Limbaugh condemned the new law as “total authoritarianism,” and liberal law professor Jonathan Turley warned that it was “one of the greatest rollbacks of civil liberties in the history of our country” — an unusual and possibly unprecedented coincidence of views. Online petition sites are overflowing with calls for the NDAA’s repeal, at least one of which has tens of thousands of signatories, and some are even demanding the recall of the “treasonous” members of Congress who voted for the legislation.

But most of the op-eds, editorials, and blog posts denouncing the detention provisions of the NDAA had little to say about the Yemenis, Afghans, Kuwaitis and other non-US citizens who have been held at Guantanamo for the past decade. Turley’s jeremiad did not even mention Guantanamo; nor did Limbaugh, in his radio harangue.

The civil liberties issue that has resonated with the American public is the possibility that American citizens suspected of terrorism could be picked up by US military forces and held indefinitely without charge. This is a non-trivial concern, at least in the long term, given the language of the relevant provisions of the NDAA, which does not distinguish between citizens and non-citizens; given post-9/11 detention practices (US citizen Jose Padilla was arrested in Chicago in 2002 and held in military custody for three-and-a-half years without charge), and given the unsettled state of Supreme Court precedent on these questions.

But the theoretical possibility that an American citizen could be held indefinitely pales, in real human terms, next to the indisputable fact that 171 non-citizens remain behind bars at Guantanamo, all but five of them without formal charge. (Four prisoners have been convicted and one is facing terrorism and other charges.)

Whatever the NDAA may mean for Americans—and I should be clear that I think it is very bad news—it is worse for non-citizens. It was clearly designed to obstruct Guantanamo’s closure, to coerce President Obama into using military options when dealing with non-citizens suspected of terrorism, if not force him to do so, and to raise the political and procedural costs of relying on the civilian justice system.

The Indefinite Detention of Non-Citizens

Americans are not the only ones who cherish liberty. The families of the 171 men detained without charge at Guantanamo, though they have no electoral means to influence US policy and little sway with the US public, believe their loved ones deserve a fair process for adjudicating their guilt or innocence.

Think about it. Are you outraged at the thought of being held without charge by your own government? Now consider being held indefinitely by someone else’s government.

Joanne MarinerJoanne Mariner, a Justia columnist, is the director ofHunter College's Human Rights Program . She is an expert on human rights, counterterrorism, and international humanitarian law.

x x x."



Why Interdisciplinary Legal Scholarship Is Good for the Law, the Academy, and Society at Large | Neil H. Buchanan | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia

Why Interdisciplinary Legal Scholarship Is Good for the Law, the Academy, and Society at Large | Neil H. Buchanan | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia

In Philippine law schools, law professors or instructors are part-time teachers of law, i.e. private trial lawyers or salaried/employed lawyers in the public and private sectors who earn by the side teaching law and sharing their specialized legal knowledge. They don't have TENURE as in the case of US law schools. The US law academe truism "PUBLISH OR PERISH" is not observed in Philippine law schools. Neither is it a threat to the vertical mobility of law professors. In fairness, though, almost all Philippine law schools maintain a law journal or law review, despite the financial difficulties that they face and the lack of interest or time of law professors and law students to write.


"x x x.

The Old and the New: Legal Scholarship Has Certainly Changed

Legal scholarship saw a sea change, starting roughly in the 1970’s. Prior to that time, law professors would write articles, treatises, and books describing the state of specific areas of the law. Summarizing recently decided cases, legislative developments, and so on, the typical law professor would make a career of publishing a small number of writings that were intended to inform practitioners and courts about developments within various legal doctrines. Tenure at even the most elite institutions was based on a single “tenure piece,” a long law review article that was expected to establish the author’s mastery over a field of law.

While this was the norm in law schools, professors elsewhere in the universities were expected to generate much larger numbers of “original” contributions to their fields. Even lower-ranked economics departments, for example, often required six or more peer-reviewed publications before considering granting tenure to a younger professor. These publications were very much “inside jobs”—clear to those whose training equipped them to have these scholarly conversations, but incomprehensible to outsiders who had not been weaned on the field’s scholarly literature.

During the years following the ferment of the 1960’s, however, younger legal scholars began to chafe at the idea that their job was merely to become little more than summarizers of the law, experts in the nuts and bolts of legal doctrine as it currently exists, with precious little latitude to describe how the law could or should change.

New Tools for Answering New Questions: Policy Questions Require Knowledge that Cuts Across Disciplines

Once legal scholars began to think about what the law should become, rather than what it is, they quickly discovered that their established tools were incomplete, at best. Although former Justice Brandeis had blazed the trail toward using statistics and economics in thinking about legal and policy questions, few law schools had hired professors on the basis of their abilities in areas beyond legal doctrine, as very narrowly conceived.

In the decades since then, law schools have hired many people with formal training in academic fields outside of the law. This includes a small number of people with Ph.D.’s but no law degree; a larger number of people with law degrees and Ph.D.’s; and many more people with sub-Ph.D.-level training in various subjects, along with their law degrees. By design and by necessity, legal scholarship began to change, becoming much more “academic,” in the sense that it has begun to resemble in important ways scholarship in traditional scholarly fields like history, literature, the social sciences, and the natural sciences.

Any broad change in a field of study, of course, will invite special scrutiny. In this case, the courts have become especially perturbed by the movement of legal scholars away from their traditional role, regretting the loss of legal scholarship’s role as a source of guidance for the courts as they decide cases. The most recent such complaint was set forth by Judge Jose Cabranes of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit earlier this month. Cabranes described legal scholarship as having left terra firma in favor of outer space, adding, “Legal scholarship is a conversation among members of the academy with the rest of us reading—maybe.”

Such sarcasm is hardly unusual in attacks on legal scholarship. The judge’s key complaint, however, is clearly that law professors are no longer writing things that he and his colleagues find useful (or even interesting). While one can understand Judge Cabranes’s regret at seeing a familiar institution undergo change, however, it is hardly a condemnation of legal scholarship to say that law professors no longer serve as judges’ quasi-advisors. There are many other roles that legal scholars can fulfill.

Legal Scholarship for Policy Purposes: Combining Knowledge of the Law With Expertise in Other Fields Advances the Debate

If legal scholars, as a group, no longer serve the bench, whom do they serve? The short answer is: Society. Whereas we once were expected to produce scholarship that would allow judges to write better opinions, law professors now focus to a much larger extent on producing analytical and prescriptive writings that address all manner of social problems. Some scholars, moreover, produce scholarship that is intensely personal, informing policy debates only incidentally (and sometimes accidentally).

Not all scholarship in the law is good, nor should we expect it to be. As with other highly speculative ventures (oil drilling, Internet start-ups), much of the work of legal scholars (indeed, of all academics) can be expected to come up dry. Yet we press on, as we should. Constructive criticism allows us to adjust the parameters as to what types of scholarship will be rewarded, but it is simply not true that legal scholarship as a whole has become detached from reality, as some have charged.

Take, for example, my current working paper. My co-author (and fellow Verdict columnist) Michael Dorf and I are looking at the lessons to be learned from the debt-ceiling crisis last summer, and trying to understand the President’s options, should a similar crisis arise in the future (which, Republican leaders have made clear, is highly likely). Combining Professor Dorf’s expertise in constitutional law with my expertise in tax policy and economics, we are attempting to learn more about a question that might at first have seemed to be a matter of simply obeying the debt-ceiling statute.

Perhaps this example is too easy, however. Surely, legal scholars of the old school studied deep questions that went beyond mere court cases, especially when it came to questions regarding the separation of powers. Viewed in that way, our forthcoming article might be described as merely old-fashioned legal scholarship, as applied to Twenty-First Century problems. That such scholarship is still being produced is laudable, one might say, but maybe the judges who complain about the disconnect between reality and legal scholarship are simply talking about a body of scholarship to which our article is an exception.

In a Verdict column, of course, it is not possible or desirable to engage in statistical analysis of such claims. I can only say that, in my experience as an economics professor and now as a law professor, the vast majority of the work that I see is intensely tied to the real world. Legal scholars apply an impressive array of analytical methods, and the overwhelmingly bulk of legal scholarship is firmly based on planet Earth.

I again concede, of course, that some law review articles are less grounded than others. Some might even deserve to be called useless. Even some of the most notorious articles, however, can be seen to serve an important purpose in the creation of knowledge. One article, the entire title of which was one otherwise unprintable word, not only informed the debate about the nature of obscenity law (a debate as old-fashioned as it gets, in legal scholarship), but also, and more broadly, described the unique power of words to affect people’s reactions and behavior, while examining how social norms change.

If the accusation is: “Legal scholarship has become useless,” then the appropriate response is not, “All legal scholarship is immediately and obviously useful.” Subject to constant self-examination and outside review, however, the legal academy has created an environment in which useful scholarship is being produced in law schools across the country.

Is Legal Scholarship Redundant? Why Should Law Professors Write in Areas in Which Other Scholars Are Experts?

If legal scholars are no longer limiting their inquiries to traditionally legal subjects, however, is it not possible that they are merely becoming dilettantes, writing in areas where other “real” scholars should be allowed to proceed without being bothered by non-experts? Again, even setting aside the fact that many legal scholars actually are trained as experts in other fields, the answer is no.

Some questions, such as those surrounding the debt-ceiling debate, are truly interdisciplinary. Legal questions intermingle with economic questions, and some legal scholars make embarrassing errors in describing economic phenomena. Similarly, however, some economists make embarrassing statements about law. Two examples will illustrate the point.

First, in a book about law and economics, two economists were discussing the compensation of victims of injuries. Compensation in tort law has long been an obvious area of overlap between economics and law, and the scholars were attempting to make argue that a compensable injury must be serious enough to call for monetary damages. As a contrast to that point, the economists noted that some people feel so angry about certain situations that they feel outraged. But outrage, they assured readers, is not a valid basis in the law for compensation. What they apparently did not know, of course, was that the tort of “intentional infliction of emotional distress” is known officially in some states as the tort of “outrage.”

Second, whenever the subject of a constitutional amendment to balance the federal budget is discussed, one can always rely on a non-lawyer to ask: “Well, if Congress does not balance the budget, what happens then? Do we put them all in jail?” Not only have I heard economists say this, but before I earned my law degree, I was one of the economists who said it!

The point of both of these examples is that scholars who are not trained in the law can miss important points that lawyers would not miss. Moreover, mistakes such as those I described in both of those examples can ultimately lead to a cascade of additional mistakes about possible policy interventions, based on a one-dimensional view of the law.

Finally, it is important to understand that the scholarly conversations among historians, or among biologists, or among economists, are by their nature limited inquiries. That is, experts in a field are trained to set aside certain questions that might be important to their field as it applies to the real world, but that the field as a whole views as “off limits” to its internal scholarly discussions. These voluntary limitations can be based on the consensus that the questions are too difficult to answer, or a belief among the experts in the field that it would be a distraction from the current research agenda if every real-world consideration were to intrude upon the conversation. One of the most important roles that legal scholars play, therefore, is the role of the deliberate outsider, who can dare to ask the unacknowledged questions.

When economists talk about “efficiency,” for example, much is lost in translation. Even if economists know that they are ignoring important real-world facts (and many economists often seem not to realize that they are doing so), legal scholars are able to ask questions from a different perspective. Doing so often opens up the discussion in a way that avoids the mistakes that disciplinary tunnel-vision can cause.

By using our legal training and opportunistically using the knowledge and methods of other fields, we as legal scholars improve not just our own thinking, but potentially also the thinking in other academic fields. Ultimately, this improves the law, the policies that shape the law, and thus society as a whole. No group of academics can claim to directly make the world a better place every day, and through every published article, and legal scholars are no exception. Even so, our fundamental enterprise is unique, productive, and forward-looking.

Legal scholarship should and could be better. As it stands, however, it is quite good. Thus, it certainly does not deserve the scorn of judges or the public at large.

Neil H. BuchananNeil H. Buchanan, a Justia columnist, is an economist and legal scholar, a Professor of Law at The George Washington University, and a Senior Fellow at the Taxation Law and Policy Research Institute, Monash University (Melbourne, Australia). His columns focus on budget policy, tax law, and other legal issues with economic implications. He blogs at DorfonLaw.org .
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The Lower Court Rulings in Nordyke and Heller II Highlight Judicial Confusion Over Gun Rights: | Vikram David Amar | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia

The Lower Court Rulings in Nordyke and Heller II Highlight Judicial Confusion Over Gun Rights: | Vikram David Amar | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia

In the Philippines, there is no constitutional provision on the RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS, unlike in the USA.


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Nordyke v. King
: The Majority View

In Nordyke v. King , Judge O’Scannlain wrote the majority opinion for the Ninth Circuit upholding a county ordinance prohibiting the possession of firearms on county property. The challengers had argued that the ordinance unconstitutionally prevented them from holding gun shows on county property.

The court began by rejecting the argument that all laws burdening gun possession must receive strict scrutiny review—the highest possible level of review. After examining cases involving abortion, content-neutral speech regulations, election laws and the right to marry, the court concluded that only those laws that substantiallyburden the right to possess firearms for self-defense purposes would receive heightened scrutiny. The court did not reach the question of what standard of review should apply to laws that pass this threshold, because plaintiffs’ claim did not satisfy this requirement.

In this context, Judge O’Scannlain considered whether the challenged law left open reasonable alternative means for individuals to exercise their right to keep and bear arms. Clearly, he said, restricting opportunities to purchase firearms at gun shows on county land did not interfere with numerous other available venues for obtaining firearms, even if these other avenues involved some increased cost or inconvenience to some would-be purchasers.

Judge Gould’s Concurrence

Judge Gould concurred with the majority’s bottom line but strongly disputed its reasoning. Using free speech doctrine as his guide, he argued that gun control laws should be subject to heightened scrutiny only when they are directed at restricting the core purposes of the Second Amendment, which include possessing firearms for the defense of one’s home, and for “resistance of tyrannous government and protection of country.”

All other gun regulations, he argued, should be reviewed under a mid-level, but deferential, reasonableness standard of review, somewhat akin to that used to evaluate content-neutral, time, place, and manner speech regulations. To Judge Gould, the substantiality of the burden on the right was entirely irrelevant to the standard of review to be applied.

These competing opinions also clashed on the meaning of the non-exhaustive list of longstanding, presumptively constitutional gun control regulations detailed in Heller (and discussed in our first column in this series.) Judge O’Scannlain maintained that the Supreme Court intended this list merely to describe laws that it presumed would survive the appropriate level of constitutional scrutiny—whatever that standard might be.

By contrast, Gould maintained that the list demonstrated that many gun control regulations should be subject to deferential review. He argued that the very existence of the Court’s list is inconsistent with O’Scannlain’s contention that laws substantially burdening the right to possess firearms for self-defense purposes must receive some form of heightened scrutiny. Surely, a law prohibiting felons from possessing firearms substantially burdened their right to keep and use guns to defend themselves, and yet the Court in Heller stated that laws banning felons from possessing firearms are presumptively constitutional. Under O’Scannlain’s analysis, such laws would be presumptively unconstitutional because they substantially burden the right to self-defense and must be justified under rigorous review.

The Ninth Circuit has decided to review the Nordyke decision en banc. We endorse this en banc review—as we find that there are some serious unanswered questions in both the O’Scannlain and Gould approaches. And, we hope that the Ninth Circuit appreciates the limits of both the O’Scannlain and Gould frameworks when it resolves the case en banc.


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