Needless to say, a constitutional system that brags itself to be inspired by the spirit of republicanism and democracy and yet is dominated by family dynasties, feudal lords, warlords, drug lords, gambling lords, corrupt elected and appointive public officials and employees, and military and police-assisted organized criminal syndicates, as what has been happening in the Philippines since its post World War II pseudo independence, is surely bound to self-destruct sooner rather than later.
The very equitable concepts of the rule of law and independent administration of justice are impossible theoretical dreams in such an illusionary and deluded political system where dirty money and sheer power govern like national monsters and where the sovereign will of the people are patently trampled upon and brazenly insulted with impunity.
May I share with you an editorial on the matter by the Philippine Daily Inquirer as an example.
Editorial
Dynastic republic
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 22:03:00 12/16/2009
In the immediate aftermath of the massacre in Ampatuan, Maguindanao, a stunned nation came to know of the true reach of the Ampatuan political dynasty; position after high position in the province, it turned out, was held by a member of the ruling family. (On a smaller scale, this state of affairs is also true of their kin and blood rival, the Mangudadatu dynasty, in the neighboring province of Sultan Kudarat.) A demoralized public reeled in disgust.
The disgust ran deep, because it was based, partly, on the shock of recognition. The well-entrenched Ampatuan dynasty is not an aberration in Philippine politics; it is, rather, the logical culmination.
The truth is: politics in the Age of Gloria is very much a family business. To be sure, the Arroyos did not start the tradition, and it will certainly not end with them. But the one power President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo enjoys and chose not to use is the power of example; she could have prevailed on her two sons and two in-laws not to run for Congress or assume a seat there. Instead, we have one Arroyo from Central Luzon, one from the Bicol region, one from the Visayas and one from the party-list system.
The opposition indulges in the same sin. In the Senate, there are the Cayetano siblings (both shamelessly using their late father’s media brand, “Compañero,” in their official names) just as there used to be the Ejercito mother and son. In the House of Representatives and in local governments, the dynastic web is thicker, more robust.
We can understand the uses of political dynasties. With one or two exceptions, we don’t have any real political parties to speak of; instead, we have political factions, each one existing through the beneficence of a financier. For the most part, loyalty is a matter of money. Many of the parties contesting next year’s elections did not even bother organizing party-building exercises, in the confidence that money (and ratings) will attract the necessary recruits.
In this bleak light, a political dynasty makes logical sense; loyalty (usually) runs deeper. What the marketing profession and the advertising industry call brand equity is also capitalized; consider, for instance, the case of the (squabbling) Osmeñas of Cebu. In the 2010 presidential election, all factions of the famous clan seemed to have coalesced behind the candidacy of Sen. Noynoy Aquino of the Liberal Party; but even if they hadn’t, each would still have wielded considerable political influence. That they often conflict does not detract from the political value of the Osmeña name.
But we must also consider the obverse: The tradition of political dynasties is precisely one of those factors that prevent a true political party system from developing in the country. Again, the case of the front-running Liberals is instructive. Its senatorial line-up consists of many dynasts, and its most controversial candidate, former senator Ralph Recto, is both the scion of a political family and the spouse of a popular and influential governor. Noynoy Aquino, it must be said, did not run for office when his mother was president; the same obviously cannot be said of President Arroyo’s sons. Aquino’s candidacy therefore, despite its obvious contradictions (he and his running mate hail from famous political families), raised the hope that he would use his popularity to support non-traditional candidates. He has done so, in the case for instance of Akbayan party-list Rep. Risa Hontiveros, but he has not done enough.
Why change the system, politicians might ask? Dynasties help make things happen; they are a source of both cold cash and warm bodies. Besides, some of them may say, not all dynasties overreach like the Ampatuans. Maybe, but the reality is, dynasties—already outlawed in the Constitution, but still needing enabling legislation after almost 23 years—make a mockery of the democratic promise. A real political party system, funded in part by membership dues and in part by government counterpart funding, will allow any individual, regardless of pedigree, to rise through the political ranks. Without it, most Filipinos who want to run for political office will have to cultivate personal popularity, or marry into a political family.
See:
http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/editorial/view/20091216-242405/Dynastic-republic
