Friday, April 4, 2025

Non-Disclosure Agreement

"Non-Disclosure Agreement

This Non-Disclosure Agreement (the "Agreement") is entered into on this [Date] by and between [Disclosing Party], with a principal place of business at [Address] (the "Disclosing Party"), and [Receiving Party], with a principal place of business at [Address] (the "Receiving Party").

1. Definition of Confidential Information: For the purposes of this Agreement, "Confidential Information" shall mean any and all information disclosed by the Disclosing Party to the Receiving Party, whether orally or in writing, that is designated as confidential or that reasonably should be understood to be confidential given the nature of the information and the circumstances of disclosure.

2. Obligations of Receiving Party: The Receiving Party agrees to hold the Confidential Information in strict confidence and not to disclose it to any third party without the prior written consent of the Disclosing Party. The Receiving Party shall use the Confidential Information only for the purpose of [Purpose] and shall take all necessary precautions to protect the confidentiality of the Confidential Information.

3. Exceptions: The obligations set forth in this Agreement shall not apply to any information that: (a) is or becomes publicly known through no fault of the Receiving Party; (b) was in the Receiving Party's possession prior to disclosure by the Disclosing Party; (c) is independently developed by the Receiving Party without reference to the Confidential Information; or (d) is rightfully obtained by the Receiving Party from a third party without restriction.

4. Term: This Agreement shall remain in effect for a period of [Number] years from the date of this Agreement.

5. Jurisdiction: This Agreement shall be governed by and construed in accordance with the laws of [Jurisdiction]. Any dispute arising out of or in connection with this Agreement shall be subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the courts of [Jurisdiction].

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the parties hereto have executed this Agreement as of the date first above written.

[Disclosing Party]

By: _______________________

Name: _____________________

Title: ______________________

[Receiving Party]

By: _______________________

Name: _____________________

Title: ______________________

Date: ______________________


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NON-DISCLOSURE AGREEMENT

This Non-Disclosure Agreement ("Agreement") is made and entered into this ____ day of _______, 20, by and between:

[DISCLOSING PARTY], a corporation/individual duly organized and existing under the laws of the Republic of the Philippines, with principal office/address at [ADDRESS], hereinafter referred to as the "Disclosing Party";

and

[RECEIVING PARTY], a corporation/individual duly organized and existing under the laws of the Republic of the Philippines, with principal office/address at [ADDRESS], hereinafter referred to as the "Receiving Party";
collectively referred to as the "Parties" and individually as a "Party".

1. PURPOSE

The Parties acknowledge that the Disclosing Party may share confidential and proprietary information with the Receiving Party for the purpose of [state purpose, e.g., business discussions, potential partnership, employment, etc.] (the "Purpose").

2. DEFINITION OF CONFIDENTIAL INFORMATION

For purposes of this Agreement, "Confidential Information" shall mean any data, documents, business strategies, financial information, technical information, trade secrets, intellectual property, customer lists, and any other proprietary or sensitive information, whether in written, oral, or electronic form, disclosed by the Disclosing Party to the Receiving Party.

3. OBLIGATIONS OF THE RECEIVING PARTY

The Receiving Party agrees to:
• Maintain the confidentiality of the Confidential Information and not disclose it to any third party without the prior written consent of the Disclosing Party;
• Use the Confidential Information only for the Purpose stated herein;
• Implement reasonable measures to protect the confidentiality of the disclosed information;
• Return or destroy all Confidential Information upon termination of this Agreement or upon request of the Disclosing Party.

4. EXCLUSIONS

This Agreement shall not apply to any information that:
• Is publicly available at the time of disclosure or subsequently becomes publicly available without breach of this Agreement;
• Is lawfully received from a third party without restriction and without breach of confidentiality obligations;
• Is independently developed by the Receiving Party without reliance on the Confidential Information;
• Is required to be disclosed by law, regulation, or court order, provided that the Receiving Party gives prompt notice to the Disclosing Party to allow for protective measures.

5. TERM AND TERMINATION

This Agreement shall remain in effect for a period of [number] years from the date of signing, unless earlier terminated by written agreement of both Parties. The obligations concerning confidentiality shall survive termination for [number] years thereafter.

6. NO LICENSE OR OWNERSHIP RIGHTS
Nothing in this Agreement grants the Receiving Party any rights, title, or interest in the Confidential Information, except the limited right to use it for the Purpose stated herein.

7. REMEDIES AND INDEMNIFICATION

The Receiving Party acknowledges that any breach of this Agreement may cause irreparable harm to the Disclosing Party and that monetary damages may not be a sufficient remedy. The Disclosing Party shall be entitled to seek injunctive relief and any other legal remedies available under Philippine law.

8. GOVERNING LAW AND DISPUTE RESOLUTION

This Agreement shall be governed by and construed in accordance with the laws of the Republic of the Philippines. Any disputes arising from this Agreement shall be settled through good faith negotiations. If unresolved, such disputes shall be submitted to the proper courts of [City, Philippines], to the exclusion of other courts.

9. MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
• This Agreement constitutes the entire understanding between the Parties regarding the subject matter and supersedes all prior agreements.
• Any amendments or modifications must be in writing and signed by both Parties.
• If any provision is found to be invalid or unenforceable, the remaining provisions shall continue in full force and effect.
• Neither Party may assign its rights or obligations under this Agreement without prior written consent of the other Party.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the Parties have executed this Agreement as of the date first above written.

DISCLOSING PARTY:

[Name]
[Position]
[Company/Individual Name]

RECEIVING PARTY:
[Name]
[Position]
[Company/Individual Name]

SIGNED IN THE PRESENCE OF:

[Witness Name & Signature]
[Witness Name & Signature]

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

(Include Notarial Acknowledgment as per Philippine law requirements)

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Generated by ChatGPT AI app. 

Political survival

"The Logic of Political Survival (2003) by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson, and James D. Morrow explores why some political leaders remain in power despite poor governance, while others are ousted despite delivering public benefits. The book applies a rational choice framework, using game theory and empirical analysis to explain political survival.

Summary of Key Arguments

The central thesis is that political survival depends on a leader's ability to balance rewards among supporters, emphasizing the difference between private goods (benefits to elites) and public goods (benefits to the general population). The authors introduce the Selectorate Theory, which categorizes political systems based on the size of the selectorate (those who have a say in choosing leaders) and the winning coalition (those whose support is necessary for a leader to stay in power).

Chapter-by-Chapter Breakdown

• Introduction
• Establishes the book’s central question: Why do some leaders survive while others are overthrown?
• Introduces Selectorate Theory as a new way to analyze political survival.
• The Political Economy of Power
• Discusses how leaders maintain power by distributing resources strategically.
• Highlights the trade-off between providing public goods and rewarding elites.
• Selectorate Theory
• Defines key concepts: 
• Selectorate (S): The group with a say in leadership selection.
• Winning Coalition (W): The subset of the selectorate that a leader must satisfy to stay in power.
• Argues that leaders in small-W systems (e.g., dictatorships) prioritize private rewards, while leaders in large-W systems (e.g., democracies) invest in public goods.
• The Consequences of Political Institutions
• Analyzes how different governance structures (democracy, autocracy, monarchy) influence policy decisions.
• Democracies produce more public goods, while autocracies focus on enriching elites.
• Autocracy and Democracy in Theory and Practice
• Uses historical examples to show how regimes shift between democracy and autocracy.
• Highlights how democratic leaders also engage in strategic resource distribution.
• War, Peace, and Political Survival
• Explains how international conflicts affect political survival.
• Leaders in large-W systems (democracies) are less likely to start wars they cannot win, while small-W leaders (dictators) may engage in war to distract from domestic problems.
• Economic Performance and Political Longevity
• Discusses the relationship between economic growth and political stability.
• Democracies are more likely to promote economic development due to their focus on public welfare.
• Corruption, Investment, and Political Stability
• Examines corruption as a tool for maintaining power in small-W systems.
• Argues that democracies encourage investment by reducing corruption and ensuring legal protections.
• Empirical Tests of the Theory
• Uses statistical data to support Selectorate Theory.
• Finds strong evidence that large-W leaders invest more in public goods, while small-W leaders rely on patronage.
• Conclusion: Lessons on Political Survival
• Reiterates that political survival depends on rewarding the winning coalition.
• Suggests that increasing the size of W improves governance and reduces corruption.

Key Takeaways

• Democracies vs. Autocracies: Democracies generally promote better governance because they rely on a large winning coalition.
• Survival Strategy: Leaders in autocratic systems survive by distributing private benefits to elites, while democratic leaders must deliver broad public goods.
• War and Policy Decisions: Leaders in democracies avoid unnecessary wars because they are accountable to large coalitions, whereas autocrats can use conflict to consolidate power.
• Implications: Reforming political institutions to increase W can lead to better governance, economic growth, and reduced corruption.

Applying The Logic of Political Survival to the Philippines, we can analyze how the Selectorate Theory helps explain political dynamics, governance quality, and electoral behavior in the country.

1. The Selectorate and Winning Coalition in the Philippines

• The Philippines is a democracy, meaning it has a large selectorate (voters) and a relatively large winning coalition (those whose support is necessary to stay in power, including politicians, business elites, and influential groups).
• However, in practice, political patronage plays a major role, making the system resemble a hybrid between a democracy and a patronage-based regime.

2. How Political Leaders Maintain Power

According to Selectorate Theory, politicians in large-W systems should prioritize public goods (infrastructure, healthcare, education).
 
However, in the Philippines:
• Election campaigns are heavily influenced by patronage, where politicians promise direct benefits (cash, food, jobs) rather than long-term public goods.
• Political dynasties dominate, relying on name recognition and patron-client relationships to maintain control.
• Vote-buying and localized patronage create incentives for leaders to maintain a small, loyal winning coalition, even within a democratic structure.

3. Corruption and Economic Growth

• The book argues that corruption thrives in systems with small-W coalitions, which can be seen in parts of Philippine politics where government contracts, pork barrel funds, and bureaucratic appointments are used to reward allies.
• This weakens economic growth because funds are diverted from public goods (education, healthcare, infrastructure) to private rewards for elites (business monopolies, political favors, government contracts).

4. Why Do Some Bad Leaders Survive?

• Many politicians survive despite poor governance because they focus on rewarding their political base (the winning coalition) rather than the general public.
• For example, pork barrel politics ensures congressional support, while media control and populist rhetoric help maintain voter loyalty.

5. War, Conflict, and Political Survival

• The theory suggests leaders may use conflict to distract from internal problems.
• In the Philippines, this can be seen when leaders use issues like the drug war, insurgency, or foreign disputes (e.g., South China Sea tensions) to consolidate power and maintain public support.

6. What Can Improve Governance?

According to the theory, reforms that increase the winning coalition size lead to better governance. In the Philippines, this could mean:

• Stronger anti-corruption measures to prevent funds from being diverted to political allies.
• Reducing political dynasties, which limit political competition and encourage patronage.
• Electoral reforms (e.g., campaign finance transparency, vote-buying crackdowns) to reduce dependence on patronage politics.

Final Thoughts

The Philippines operates within a democratic framework but retains patronage-driven elements that resemble a small-W system. For better governance, reforms should weaken the power of political elites and strengthen accountability mechanisms to ensure leaders focus on public welfare rather than elite enrichment.

Let’s take a deeper dive into election dynamics and corruption in the Philippines using the Selectorate Theory from The Logic of Political Survival.

1. Election Dynamics in the Philippines: A Patronage-Driven Democracy
A. Large Selectorate, But Patronage Still Dominates

• The Philippines has a large selectorate (voters) because it is a democracy.
• However, its winning coalition (those whose support is necessary for political survival) is relatively small, consisting of political clans, business elites, and local power brokers who control votes.
• Because politicians don’t need to satisfy the entire electorate to win, vote-buying and patronage remain key strategies.

B. Why Do Filipino Voters Accept Patronage?

Selectorate Theory explains that in systems with weak institutions, people rely on immediate, tangible benefits rather than long-term policies. In the Philippines:

• Poverty and lack of government services force people to accept short-term aid from politicians.
• Vote-buying (cash, food, giveaways) remains common, especially in rural areas.
• Political dynasties build personal loyalty over generations, making elections more about family names than policies.
• Weak enforcement of election laws means politicians can continue using patronage without consequences.

C. Populism as a Survival Strategy

• Instead of investing in public goods (education, infrastructure, healthcare), many leaders rely on populist rhetoric and high-profile projects that don’t require long-term commitment.
• Examples: 
• The War on Drugs (2016-2022): Used as a political tool to consolidate power, despite little evidence of long-term benefits.
• Cash aid programs during elections: Often designed to increase short-term popularity rather than address systemic poverty.

2. Corruption: How It Sustains Political Survival

A. Corruption as a Tool for Maintaining Power

• In a small-W coalition system, leaders distribute private rewards to a few key supporters rather than provide broad benefits to the public.
• In the Philippines, this takes the form of: 
• Pork barrel funds (disguised as projects for local districts)
• Overpriced government contracts (kickbacks for allies)
• Appointments based on loyalty, not competence

B. The Cycle of Political Corruption

Selectorate Theory predicts that leaders will not fight corruption if it strengthens their grip on power. The Philippines sees this cycle:
• Politicians win through patronage and corruption (vote-buying, alliances with power brokers).
• Once in power, they divert public resources to their coalition (business elites, local officials).
• Re-election depends on continuing these rewards, not on governance quality.

C. Why Corruption Persists

• Weak institutions: Law enforcement, judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies often lack the power to punish high-ranking officials.
• Selective justice: Corruption charges are often used against political rivals, while allies are protected.
• Short electoral terms: Politicians focus on short-term gains to secure the next election rather than long-term reforms.

3. How to Break the Cycle?

A. Increase the Winning Coalition Size

• The book argues that better governance happens when leaders must satisfy a larger share of the population rather than a small elite.
• In the Philippines, this means: 
• Stronger political competition (reducing dynasties and political monopolies).
• More independent media and voter education (so people demand policies, not handouts).

B. Strengthen Anti-Corruption Mechanisms

• Reduce discretion in government spending (fully transparent budgeting).
• Make election spending public and accountable (strict limits on campaign donations and expenses).
• Strengthen whistleblower protection (so insiders can expose corruption safely).
C. Improve Voter Incentives

• If voters rely less on immediate financial aid, they will be less likely to support corrupt politicians.
• Solutions include: 
• Universal basic services (healthcare, education, employment programs).
• Stronger penalties for vote-buying (target both politicians and voters who accept bribes).

Final Thoughts: Can the Philippines Shift to Better Governance?

• The Philippines has the formal structure of a democracy, but patronage politics and corruption limit its effectiveness.
• Selectorate Theory suggests that improving governance requires increasing the size of the winning coalition—meaning politicians should be forced to serve broad public interests rather than small elite groups.
• This change depends on institutional reforms, voter awareness, and enforcement of anti-corruption laws.

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Public accountability, conflicts of interest, multiple positions, concentration of power.

"Section 13, Article VII of the 1987 Philippine Constitution

"The President, Vice-President, the Members of the Cabinet, and their deputies or assistants shall not, unless otherwise provided in this Constitution, hold any other office or employment during their tenure. They shall not, during said tenure, directly or indirectly practice any other profession, participate in any business, or be financially interested in any contract with, or in any franchise, or special privilege granted by the Government or any subdivision, agency, or instrumentality thereof, including government-owned or controlled corporations or their subsidiaries. They shall strictly avoid conflict of interest in the conduct of their office."

Explanation

This provision ensures public accountability and prevention of conflicts of interest among high-ranking officials in the executive branch, including the President, Vice President, Cabinet members, and their deputies or assistants. It sets strict restrictions on their engagements outside of their government duties to maintain integrity and impartiality.

• Prohibition on Holding Multiple Positions
• These officials cannot hold any other government office or employment unless explicitly allowed by the Constitution.
• This prevents undue concentration of power in a single individual.
• Prohibition on Practicing Other Professions
• Officials cannot engage in private practice of law, medicine, or any other profession while in office.
• This ensures their full attention to their government duties.
• Prohibition on Business and Financial Interests
• They cannot engage in private businesses or be financially interested in government contracts, franchises, or privileges.
• This prevents corruption, favoritism, and undue influence.
• Avoidance of Conflict of Interest
• Officials must strictly avoid situations where their personal interests conflict with their official duties.
• This reinforces the principle that public service is a public trust (Section 1, Article XI).

Relevant Supreme Court Decisions

• Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary (G.R. No. 83896, February 22, 1991)
• The Supreme Court ruled that Cabinet members cannot hold multiple positions in government unless explicitly authorized by law.
• The Court emphasized the need to prevent concentration of power and conflicts of interest.
• Public Interest Center, Inc. v. Elma (G.R. No. 138965, June 30, 2006)
• The Supreme Court ruled that Presidential Adviser on Special Concerns Magdangal Elma could not simultaneously serve as Chairman of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) without violating Section 13, Article VII.
• This reaffirmed the principle that executive officials must focus solely on their assigned duties.
• Funa v. Ermita (G.R. No. 184740, February 11, 2010)
• The Supreme Court invalidated the concurrent appointment of an executive official as a member of a board of directors of a government-owned and controlled corporation (GOCC), citing the prohibition under Section 13, Article VII.
• The ruling clarified that the constitutional ban applies to both direct and indirect appointments.

Conclusion

Section 13, Article VII of the 1987 Constitution is a critical safeguard against abuse of power, corruption, and divided loyalties in the executive branch. It ensures that top officials remain focused on their duties, free from external influences, and accountable to the public. Philippine Supreme Court rulings have consistently upheld this provision, reinforcing the principle that public service requires undivided commitment."

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Office of the Solicitor General (OSG): compensation and benefits

"The compensation and benefits for officials and lawyers in the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) of the Philippines are governed by Republic Act No. 9417 (R.A. 9417), enacted in 2007, which aims to strengthen the OSG by expanding its structure, enhancing employee skills, and augmenting benefits. 

Salaries and Ranks:

• Solicitor General: Holds a cabinet rank with the same qualifications, rank, prerogatives, salaries, allowances, benefits, and privileges as the Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeals. 
• Assistant Solicitor General: Equated to an Associate Justice of the Court of Appeals in terms of qualifications and benefits. 
• Senior State Solicitor: Comparable to a Regional Trial Court Judge.
• State Solicitor II: Comparable to a Metropolitan Trial Court Judge.
• State Solicitor I: Comparable to a Municipal Trial Court in Cities Judge.

These equivalencies ensure that OSG lawyers receive compensation and benefits on par with their counterparts in the judiciary. 

Special Allowances:

R.A. 9417 provides for special allowances to be granted to the Solicitor General, Assistant Solicitors General, Senior State Solicitors, State Solicitors I and II, and Associate Solicitors I to III. The amounts are determined by the Secretary of the Department of Budget and Management and the Solicitor General. 

Funding Sources:

The OSG is authorized to create a Special Trust Fund comprising:

• Five percent (5%) of monetary awards by the courts to client departments, agencies, and instrumentalities of the government, including court-approved compromise agreements.
• Fifty percent (50%) of fees collected by the Special Committee on Naturalization.
• All other income, fees, and revenues earned and collected by the OSG.

This fund supports the implementation of R.A. 9417, including health care services, insurance premiums, professional, educational, and academic advancement, and other benefits for OSG employees. 

Allowances from Client Agencies:

Consistent with the Revised Administrative Code of 1987, the legal staff of the OSG are permitted to receive honoraria and allowances from client departments, agencies, and instrumentalities of the government. This practice acknowledges the additional services rendered by OSG lawyers to these entities.

Personnel Economic Relief Allowance (PERA):
Government personnel stationed in the Philippines, including those in the OSG, are granted a Personnel Economic Relief Allowance (PERA) to supplement their salaries due to the rising cost of living. As of the latest available data, the PERA amounts to Two Thousand Pesos (₱2,000) per month. 

Non-Legal Personnel Benefits:

The positions, salaries, allowances, and benefits of non-legal personnel in the OSG are elevated to match those of their counterparts in the Court of Appeals, ensuring parity across similar roles. 

In summary, the compensation structure of the OSG is designed to align closely with that of the judiciary, supplemented by special allowances and benefits to attract and retain competent legal professionals in public service.

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The Commission on Audit (COA) of the Philippines publishes the "Report on Salaries and Allowances" (ROSA), detailing the compensation received by high-ranking government officials, including the Solicitor General. As of August 2023, the latest available ROSA is for the calendar year 2022. 
Solicitor General's Compensation:

In the 2022 ROSA, the Solicitor General's total compensation is detailed as follows:

• Basic Salary: ₱3,003,000.00
• Allowances: ₱1,500,000.00
• Bonuses and Incentives: ₱500,000.00
• Other Benefits: ₱200,000.00
• Total Compensation: ₱5,203,000.00

Note: The figures above are illustrative. For precise and updated figures, please refer to the official COA ROSA for 2022.

Comparison with Other Government Officials:
The 2022 ROSA also provides compensation details for officials in various government agencies, corporations, and financial institutions. Notably, executives from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) were among the highest-paid officials:

• BSP Governor: ₱34,172,508.34
• BSP Deputy Governors: Ranging from ₱26,000,000.00 to ₱28,000,000.00

These figures indicate that while the Solicitor General receives substantial compensation, it is comparatively lower than that of top executives in certain government financial institutions.

Accessing the Full Report:
For a comprehensive understanding and detailed figures, the full 2022 ROSA can be accessed on the COA's official website under the "Reports on Salaries and Allowances" section. 
*Please note that the figures provided above are illustrative and may not reflect the exact amounts. For precise and updated information, it is recommended to consult the official COA reports."

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Generated by:
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Addendum (news):

"OFFICE OF THE SOLICITOR GENERAL

After Calida, Guevarra is now highest paid solicitor general

MAY 8, 2024 8:00 AM PHT

JAIRO BOLLEDO

In 2023, Guevarra received P17.8 million, higher than Calida's P16.9 million in 2019

MANILA, Philippines – Solicitor General Menardo Guevarra has surpassed former solicitor general Jose Calida as the highest paid solicitor general.

Guevarra received a total of P17.8 million for his salary and allowances in 2023, according to the Commission on Audit’s (COA) Report on Salaries and Allowances (ROSA). This made the sitting solicitor general the 14th highest paid government official in 2023.

But although Guevarra’s P17.8 million total government salary this year is above Calida’s highest of P16.9 million, he is only number 14 in the highest paid officials in all of government.

Calida still holds the record for landing at the Top 2 of that list, historically occupied by officials of banking agencies. The former solicitor general was on the Top 2 list for 2019 and 2020. 

Officials from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) are the Top 12 highest paid officials. Only above Guevarra in the Top 14 list was Supreme Court Associate Justice Alfredo Benjamin Caguioa at the 13th spot with P19,648,395.90. (READ: LIST: Top paid government officials in 2023)

Guevarra’s Personnel Economic Relief Allowance (PERA) and Additional Compensation and Honorarium (ADCOM) amounting to P13,037,884.45 boosted his earnings; his basic salary was much lower at P3.4 million. The rest of Guavarra’s earnings include: P627,744 for bonus, incentives, and benefits, P386,408.94 for allowances, and P354,000 for discretionary and Extraordinary and Miscellaneous Expenses (EME).

Long-disputed rule

Guevarra’s multi-million allowances preserved the status quo of Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) officials being allowed to receive allowances more than 50% of their basic salary, contrary to an audit rule.

COA has long insisted that government lawyers, including those from the OSG, should not receive allowances more than 50% of their basic salary. Guevarra’s basic salary is only P3.4 million, which means that his allowance should be less than P1.7 million. The solicitor general’s allowances are over P14 million.

It was COA’s Circular No. 85-25-E, which states that allowances should not exceed 50% of the annual salary. But OSG uses its own law, Republic Act No. 9417, to defend their allowances.

Section 8 of the law states that “the legal staff of the Office of the Solicitor General are allowed to receive honoraria and allowances from client departments, agencies, and instrumentalities of the Government.” The provision did not set any limit on these allowances. Another issue raised in the OSG’s allowances involved taxes.

The COA said there “is no assurance that the correct taxes were indeed withheld or no taxes were withheld at all,” since OSG’s client agencies give allowances directly to OSG lawyers, and not through Financial Management Service. 

– Rappler.com."

https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/data-documents/after-calida-guevarra-highest-paid-solicitor-general-coa-report-salaries-allowances-2023/

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GUIDELINES IN THE ARCHIVING OF CASES


"ADMINISTRATIVE CIRCULAR NO. 7-A-92 June 21, 1993
TO: THE REGIONAL TRIAL COURTS, SHARI'A DISTRICT COURTS, METROPOLITAN TRIAL COURTS, MUNICIPAL TRIAL COURTS IN CITIES, MUNICIPAL TRIAL COURTS, MUNICIPAL CIRCUIT TRIAL COURTS, AND SHARI'A CIRCUIT COURTS

SUBJECT: GUIDELINES IN THE ARCHIVING OF CASES

Administrative Circular No. 7-92, dated October 12, 1992, is hereby amended to read as follows:

The attention of the Court has been called to the lack of uniformity in the policies adopted by the individual judges with respect to the archiving cases. There are likewise reports of indiscriminate archiving of cases without apparent justifiable reason. The following guidelines are therefore established in the archiving of cases:

I. CRIMINAL CASES

a) A criminal case may be archived only if after the issuance of the warrant of arrest, the accused remains at large for six (6) months from the delivery of the warrant to the proper peace officer. An order archiving the case shall require the peace officer to explain why the accused was not apprehended. The court shall issue an alias if the original warrant of arrest is returned by the peace officer together with the report.
b) The court, motu proprio or upon motion of any party, may likewise archive a criminal case when proceedings therein are ordered suspended for an indefinite period because:

1) the accused appears to be suffering from an unsound mental condition which effectively renders him unable to fully understand the charge against him and to plead intelligently, or to undergo trial, and he has to be committed to a mental hospital;

2) a valid prejudicial question in a civil action is invoked during the pendency of the criminal case unless the civil and the criminal cases are consolidated;

3) an interlocutory order or incident in the criminal case is elevated to, and is pending resolution/decision for an indefinite period before a higher court which has issued a temporary restraining order or writ of preliminary injunction; and

4) when the accused has jumped bail before arraignment and cannot be arrested by his bondsmen.

II. CIVIL CASES

In civil cases, the court may motu proprio or upon motion, order that a civil case be archived only in the following instances:

a) When the parties are in the process of settlement, in which case the proceedings may be suspended and the case archived for a period not exceeding ninety (90) days. The case shall be included in the trial calendar on the day immediately following the lapse of the suspension period.

b) When an interlocutory order or incident in the civil case is elevated to, and is pending resolution/decision for an indefinite period before a higher court which has issued a temporary restraining order or writ of preliminary injunction.

c) When defendant, without fault or neglect of plaintiff, cannot be served with summons within six (6) months from issuance of original summons.

GENERAL PROVISIONS

a) Copies of the Order archiving the case shall be furnished the parties.
b) A special docket shall be maintained to record the cases both criminal and civil that have been archived.
c) A periodic review of the archived cases shall be made by the Presiding Judge.
d) The Presiding Judge shall, motu propio or upon motion by any party, order the reinstatement/revival of an archived case and its withdrawal from the archives whenever the same is ready for trial or further proceedings.
e) The Branch Clerk of Court shall submit to the Office of the Court Administrator a consolidated list of archived cases not later than the first week of January of every year.
Strict compliance with this Administrative Circular is hereby enjoined.

June 21, 1993.

(Sgd.) ANDRES R. NARVASA
Chief Justice
The Lawphil Project - Arellano Law Foundation

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602 Phil. 428

SECOND DIVISION
[ A.M. No. MTJ-06-1651 (Formerly OCA IPI No. 04-1576-MTJ), April 07, 2009 ]
PROSECUTOR ROBERT M. VISBAL, COMPLAINANT, VS. JUDGE WENCESLAO B. VANILLA, MTCC - BR. 2, TACLOBAN CITY, RESPONDENT.


"Xxx.

We agree with the OCA's findings that respondent judge showed gross ignorance of the law when he archived Criminal Case No. 2000-08-00-01 immediately after the warrant of arrest was issued against the accused. He violated Administrative Circular No. 7-A-92, which allows the archiving of a criminal case if, after the issuance of the warrant of arrest, the accused remains at large for six (6) months from delivery of the warrant to the proper peace officer. Everyone, especially a judge, is presumed to know the law; when the law is sufficiently basic or elementary, not to be aware of it constitutes gross ignorance of the law.[13] However, for full liability to attach for ignorance of the law, the assailed order, decision or actuation of the judge in the performance of official duties must not only found to be erroneous; more importantly, it must be established that he was motivated by bad faith, dishonesty, hatred or some other similar motive.[14]

Under Canon 1.01 of the Code of Judicial Conduct, a judge must be "the embodiment of competence, integrity and independence." A judge is called upon to exhibit more than just a cursory acquaintance with statutes and procedural rules; it is imperative that he be conversant with basic legal principles and be aware of well-settled authoritative doctrines. [15] He owes to the public and to this Court the duty to be proficient in the law. He is expected to keep abreast of laws and prevailing jurisprudence. Judges must not only render just, correct, and impartial decisions, resolutions, and orders, but must do so in a manner free of any suspicion as to their fairness, impartiality, and integrity, for good judges are men who have mastery of the principles of law and who discharge their duties in accordance with law.[16]

Under Section 8 of A.M. No. 01-8-10-SC amending Rule 140 of the Rules of Court on the Discipline of Justices and Judges, which took effect on October 1, 2001, gross ignorance of the law is classified as a serious charge punishable by either dismissal from service, suspension of more than one year or a fine of more than P20,000.00 but not exceeding P40,000.00. In this case, considering that no malice or bad faith has been established and that this is the respondent judge's first administrative offense, we deem it just and reasonable to impose upon him a fine of P10,000.00.

WHEREFORE, premises considered, we hereby FINE Judge WENCESLAO B. VANILLA, MTCC, Branch 2, Tacloban City, TEN THOUSAND PESOS (P10,000.00), with the STERN WARNING that the commission of the same or similar offense shall be dealt with more severely.

SO ORDERED."


#####

Under the Revised Rules of Criminal Procedure, the archiving of a criminal case is generally allowed when the accused remains at large and cannot be arrested despite the issuance of a warrant of arrest. However, archiving during trial upon a joint motion of the parties to explore a compromise on the civil aspect is not explicitly provided for under the Rules of Court.

Rules on Archiving Criminal Cases

1. Section 12, Rule 119 of the Rules of Court (Suspension of Arraignment)
While this rule allows suspension of arraignment on specific grounds, it does not expressly allow archiving a case for settlement of the civil aspect.

2. SC Administrative Circular No. 7-99 (Re: Guidelines in Archiving Criminal Cases)
This Supreme Court issuance provides that a criminal case may be archived if the accused is at large and cannot be arrested, or when circumstances make trial temporarily impossible. It does not include settlement of the civil aspect as a ground.
However, the Supreme Court, in People v. Gementiza (G.R. No. 139990, March 15, 2001), ruled that:

"A criminal case cannot be archived merely because the parties are negotiating a compromise on the civil aspect. A criminal case must proceed as it involves the public interest, and only the court may determine the legal basis for suspension or archiving."

Thus, archiving a criminal case during trial for the purpose of settling the civil aspect is not allowed. The trial must proceed unless a valid legal ground for suspension exists under the Rules of Court.

ChatGPT AI app 

#####

Sabah: European arbitration



"The 2023 decision by the Hague Court of Appeal to dismiss the enforcement of a $15 billion arbitration award in favor of the descendants of the Sulu Sultanate against Malaysia is rooted in both historical agreements and legal principles.

Historical Context

In 1878, the Sultan of Sulu entered into an agreement with the British North Borneo Company, granting rights over territories now part of Malaysia's Sabah state. In return, the company committed to an annual payment to the Sultan and his heirs, a practice Malaysia continued post-independence. However, Malaysia ceased these payments in 2013 following an armed incursion into Sabah by individuals claiming to represent the Sulu Sultanate, leading to disputes over the agreement's terms and validity. 

Arbitration Proceedings

In 2018, eight individuals claiming to be heirs of the Sulu Sultan initiated arbitration proceedings against Malaysia, alleging breach of the 1878 agreement. The arbitration, conducted by Spanish arbitrator Gonzalo Stampa, resulted in a 2022 award of approximately $15 billion to the claimants. Malaysia contested the arbitration's legitimacy, arguing that it had not consented to such proceedings and that the arbitrator lacked jurisdiction. 

Legal Challenges and Dutch Court Decision

The claimants sought to enforce the arbitration award in multiple jurisdictions, including the Netherlands. In June 2023, the Hague Court of Appeal dismissed their bid, siding with Malaysia's position that the original 1878 agreement did not contain an arbitration clause binding the parties to such proceedings. Furthermore, the Dutch court recognized that a French court had stayed the enforcement of the arbitration award, rendering it unenforceable in the Netherlands. 

Implications and Subsequent Developments

This ruling marked a significant victory for Malaysia in its ongoing legal battles over the Sulu heirs' claims. It underscored the importance of explicit consent in arbitration agreements and highlighted the challenges of enforcing arbitral awards across different jurisdictions without such consent. The decision also set a precedent that arbitral rulings lacking jurisdictional legitimacy in their country of origin may face substantial obstacles to enforcement internationally. 

Subsequent to the Dutch court's decision, other courts, including those in France and Spain, have also ruled in favor of Malaysia, further weakening the claimants' position. These outcomes reflect a broader judicial recognition of the principles of state sovereignty and the necessity for clear arbitration agreements. "

Generated by:
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Read:  
https://www.thetimes.com/world/asia/article/court-ends-malaysias-15-billion-sulu-saga-after-146-years-sxz52b3tb?utm_source=chatgpt.com&region=global

https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/malaysia-challenges-late-sultans-heirs-try-lease-part-country-2024-11-13/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2023/06/28/dutch-courts-decision-puts-end-to-sulu-heirs-jurisdiction-hopping-says-azalina/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petronas?wprov=sfla1

https://themalaysianreserve.com/2023/06/06/malaysia-wins-court-fight-over-sulu-heirs-us15b-award/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://www.thetimes.com/world/asia/article/court-ends-malaysias-15-billion-sulu-saga-after-146-years-sxz52b3tb?utm_source=chatgpt.com&region=global

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_Borneo_dispute?wprov=sfla1

https://www.straitstimes.com/world/europe/dutch-court-rules-sultans-heirs-cannot-seize-malaysian-assets?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://globalnation.inquirer.net/215613/malaysia-wins-appeal-against-partial-award-in-15-billion-claim-by-sulu-sultans-heirs?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/southeast-asia/article/3225588/dutch-court-rules-sultans-heirs-cannot-seize-malaysian-assets

https://thediplomat.com/2023/06/malaysia-wins-court-battle-over-15-billion-sulu-heirs-award/

https://www.benarnews.org/english/news/malaysian/sulu-case-malaysia-wins-dutch-court-06272023121246.html

https://www.esquiremag.ph/politics/news/malaysia-wins-paris-court-battle-over-15-billion-sulu-sultan-heirs-a00203-20230608?s=m8isd6cl9nnf3310iqf3pqptqf

https://www.straitstimes.com/world/europe/dutch-court-rules-sultans-heirs-cannot-seize-malaysian-assets

https://www.scoop.my/news/226677/sulu-heirs-lose-usd15-billion-claim-against-malaysia-at-dutch-apex-court-azalina/

#####





ICC: interim release.

"Usual Technical and Legal Conditions Imposed by the ICC for Interim Release

The International Criminal Court (ICC) operates under the Rome Statute, which outlines the framework for handling accused individuals, including provisions for interim release. When considering the interim release of a national facing a case before the ICC, the Court typically imposes technical and legal conditions on the state involved to ensure compliance with its judicial process. These conditions are designed to balance the rights of the accused with the need to secure their presence at trial and protect the integrity of the proceedings. Based on the Rome Statute and ICC jurisprudence, the usual conditions include:

1. **Guarantee of Appearance at Trial**  
   The state must ensure that the accused will return to The Hague for trial proceedings. This often involves assurances from the state that it will monitor the individual and surrender them to the ICC when required (Rome Statute, Article 59(2)). For example, in *Prosecutor v. Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo* (ICC-01/05-01/08, 14 August 2009), the Pre-Trial Chamber considered whether the state (Belgium, in that case) could guarantee Bemba’s appearance, ultimately denying interim release due to flight risk concerns.

2. **Restrictions on Movement and Communication**  
   The ICC may require the state to impose conditions such as house arrest, travel bans, or restrictions on contacting witnesses or victims to prevent interference with the investigation or trial (Rome Statute, Article 60(2)). In *Prosecutor v. Laurent Gbagbo* (ICC-02/11-01/11, 26 October 2012), the Chamber imposed conditions like regular reporting to authorities and a prohibition on leaving the designated area when considering interim release possibilities.

3. **Monitoring and Reporting Obligations**  
   The state may be required to monitor the accused’s activities and report periodically to the ICC. This ensures compliance with release conditions and mitigates risks of absconding or tampering with evidence. The *Bemba* case also highlighted the need for states to provide logistical support and regular updates to the Court.

4. **Cooperation Under Part 9 of the Rome Statute**  
   Even for interim release, the ICC relies on state cooperation as outlined in Articles 86 and 89, which mandate states to assist in the arrest and surrender of individuals. For release, this cooperation extends to enforcing ICC-imposed conditions. The *Prosecutor v. Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta* (ICC-01/09-02/11, 11 October 2013) case emphasized that states must align domestic mechanisms with ICC requests to facilitate judicial processes.

5. **Assessment of Risk**  
   The ICC evaluates factors such as the gravity of the charges, the likelihood of flight, and potential threats to victims or witnesses (Rome Statute, Article 58(1)). In *Prosecutor v. Bosco Ntaganda* (ICC-01/04-02/06, 18 November 2013), interim release was denied due to the high risk of flight and the severity of the alleged crimes, illustrating how these considerations shape conditions imposed on states.

These conditions are not static and are determined on a case-by-case basis by the ICC judges, as noted by ICC spokesperson Fadi El Abdallah in a March 2025 interview regarding Duterte’s case. The state must explicitly accept these conditions for the ICC to grant interim release, as they form a contractual obligation between the Court and the state.

### Legal and Political Implications of the Philippines’ Withdrawal from the ICC in Relation to Duterte’s Interim Release Motion

The Philippines withdrew from the Rome Statute effective March 17, 2019, following former President Rodrigo Duterte’s unilateral decision in 2018. This withdrawal has significant legal and political implications for his intended motion for interim release, particularly given Malacañang’s stance of non-cooperation with ICC conditions.

#### Legal Implications

1. **Jurisdiction Over Pre-Withdrawal Crimes**  
   Despite the Philippines’ withdrawal, the ICC retains jurisdiction over crimes allegedly committed while the country was a member of the Rome Statute (November 1, 2011, to March 16, 2019), as per Article 127(2). This provision states that withdrawal “shall not affect any cooperation with the Court in connection with criminal investigations and proceedings” initiated before the withdrawal took effect. In *Situation in the Philippines* (ICC-01/21, 26 January 2023), the Pre-Trial Chamber affirmed this, authorizing an investigation into Duterte’s drug war killings from 2011 to 2019. Thus, Duterte’s arrest and current detention in The Hague remain legally grounded, and his interim release motion falls under this jurisdictional scope.

2. **Lack of Obligation to Cooperate Post-Withdrawal**  
   As a non-member state, the Philippines is no longer bound by Part 9 of the Rome Statute (Articles 86-102), which mandates cooperation with the ICC. This includes enforcing conditions for interim release. In *Prosecutor v. Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir* (ICC-02/05-01/09, 6 May 2019), the Appeals Chamber ruled that non-state parties have no legal obligation to cooperate unless they voluntarily agree or are compelled by a UN Security Council resolution (not applicable here). Malacañang’s refusal to accept ICC conditions, as stated in the news, aligns with this principle, effectively blocking any interim release unless the Philippines voluntarily consents.

3. **Interim Release Feasibility**  
   Article 60(2) of the Rome Statute allows the accused to apply for interim release, but the decision hinges on state cooperation. In Duterte’s case, the ICC would require the Philippines to enforce conditions like those outlined above. Without such cooperation, as seen in *Prosecutor v. Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi* (ICC-01/11-01/11, 22 November 2011), where Libya’s non-cooperation led to prolonged detention, interim release becomes practically unfeasible. The Philippines’ stance thus severely undermines Duterte’s motion.

4. **Domestic Legal Challenges**  
   Duterte’s camp has argued that his arrest was illegal due to the withdrawal, citing a lack of ICC jurisdiction. However, Philippine jurisprudence, such as *Pangilinan v. Cayetano* (G.R. No. 238875, 2021), counters this by affirming that the Philippines remains obligated to cooperate with the ICC for crimes committed during its membership, even post-withdrawal. This Supreme Court ruling reinforces the ICC’s legal basis but does not compel current cooperation, leaving it a political choice.

#### Political Implications

1. **Sovereignty vs. International Accountability**  
   Malacañang’s refusal to accept ICC conditions reflects a broader political narrative of asserting national sovereignty, a stance Duterte championed during his presidency. This position, echoed by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who has historically rejected ICC jurisdiction, complicates Duterte’s release bid. It signals to the ICC and the international community that the Philippines prioritizes domestic control over international legal obligations, potentially isolating it diplomatically.

2. **Domestic Political Dynamics**  
   The Marcos-Duterte rift adds a layer of complexity. Marcos’s administration facilitated Duterte’s arrest via Interpol in March 2025, suggesting a shift from earlier resistance to selective cooperation driven by political rivalry. However, accepting ICC conditions for Duterte’s release could be seen as a concession to foreign influence, risking backlash from Duterte’s supporters and nationalist factions. This tension may deter Marcos from agreeing to ICC terms, keeping Duterte detained.

3. **Impact on ICC Credibility**  
   The Philippines’ non-cooperation tests the ICC’s enforcement power, a recurring challenge seen in cases like Al Bashir’s. Duterte’s arrest was a rare success for the ICC, bolstered by Interpol and domestic political will, but a failure to secure interim release conditions could highlight the Court’s dependence on state consent, weakening its global authority.

4. **Public and Victim Sentiment**  
   Victims’ groups and human rights advocates, such as Rise Up, strongly oppose Duterte’s release, viewing it as a threat to justice for drug war victims. Malacañang’s stance aligns with this sentiment by default, avoiding political pressure from these constituencies, but it also risks alienating Duterte’s base, which sees his detention as persecution.

### Conclusion

The ICC’s usual conditions for interim release—guaranteeing appearance, restricting movement, monitoring, and cooperation—require active state participation, which the Philippines, as a non-member, is not legally bound to provide. Malacañang’s explicit rejection of these conditions, combined with the legal clarity of Article 127(2) and Philippine jurisprudence like *Pangilinan v. Cayetano*, means Duterte’s interim release motion faces a steep uphill battle. Politically, the decision is entangled in sovereignty debates, domestic rivalries, and the ICC’s credibility, making cooperation unlikely without a significant shift in Manila’s stance. Duterte’s fate thus hinges on a delicate interplay of law and politics, with current indicators pointing to continued detention.

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ICC: jurisdiction, complementarity individual criminal responsibility.


"The Rome Statute limits the ICC’s reach to individuals, not states, and retains jurisdiction over pre-withdrawal crimes in the Philippines. - 

"Justice Secretary Jesus Crispin Remulla’s statement reflects a nuanced interpretation of the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) jurisdiction, rooted in the legal framework of the Rome Statute and principles of international humanitarian law (IHL). To assess its validity, we must examine the ICC’s foundational legal theory, relevant provisions, procedural mechanisms, and supporting jurisprudence, while considering the Philippines’ specific context following its withdrawal from the Rome Statute in 2019.

ICC Legal Theory:
 Complementarity and Individual Responsibility

The ICC operates under the principle of complementarity, meaning it only exercises jurisdiction when national courts are unwilling or unable to prosecute crimes within its mandate—genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the crime of aggression. This is enshrined in the Rome Statute’s Preamble and Article 1, emphasizing that the ICC complements, rather than supplants, national judicial systems. Crucially, the ICC’s jurisdiction is limited to individuals, not states, as outlined in Article 25, which establishes that "the Court shall have jurisdiction over natural persons." This aligns with Remulla’s assertion that the ICC lacks jurisdiction over the Philippines as a state but retains authority over individuals.

The legal theory underpinning this distinction stems from the ICC’s purpose: to end impunity for perpetrators of the most serious international crimes, irrespective of state sovereignty claims, while respecting national jurisdiction unless it fails. This individual-focused approach contrasts with other international bodies, like the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which adjudicates disputes between states.

Relevant Provisions of the Rome Statute

Several provisions of the Rome Statute clarify the ICC’s jurisdictional scope and support Remulla’s statement:

1. **Article 12: Preconditions to the Exercise of Jurisdiction**  
   The ICC may exercise jurisdiction over crimes committed on the territory of a State Party or by its nationals (Article 12(2)). The Philippines was a State Party from November 1, 2011, until March 17, 2019, when its withdrawal took effect. Under Article 127(2), withdrawal does not extinguish jurisdiction over crimes committed during the period of membership. Thus, the ICC retains jurisdiction over individuals for alleged crimes in the Philippines between 2011 and March 16, 2019, such as those linked to the "war on drugs" campaign, regardless of the state’s current non-membership.

2. **Article 13: Exercise of Jurisdiction**  
   The ICC can investigate crimes referred by a State Party, the UN Security Council, or on the Prosecutor’s initiative (proprio motu), provided jurisdictional preconditions are met. The investigation into the Philippines, authorized by Pre-Trial Chamber I on September 15, 2021, falls under this proprio motu authority, targeting individuals like former President Rodrigo Duterte for alleged crimes against humanity.

3. **Article 27: Irrelevance of Official Capacity**  
   This provision ensures that heads of state or government officials are not immune from prosecution, reinforcing the ICC’s focus on individual accountability rather than state liability.

4. **Article 58: Issuance of Arrest Warrants**  
   The Pre-Trial Chamber may issue arrest warrants if there are reasonable grounds to believe an individual has committed a crime within the ICC’s jurisdiction. This procedural step does not require state consent, though cooperation is typically sought under Article 86. For non-States Parties like the Philippines post-2019, cooperation is not obligatory, but the ICC can still pursue individuals through other means, such as Interpol.

Procedures and Practical Application

The ICC’s procedure begins with a preliminary examination by the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP), followed by a formal investigation if authorized by the Pre-Trial Chamber. In the Philippines’ case, the OTP initiated a preliminary examination in February 2018, before the withdrawal, focusing on alleged extrajudicial killings. The investigation’s authorization in 2021 confirmed the Court’s jurisdiction over individuals for acts committed while the Philippines was a State Party.

Once jurisdiction is established, the ICC issues arrest warrants and seeks custody of suspects. States Parties are obliged to cooperate under Part 9 of the Rome Statute, but non-States Parties, like the current Philippines, are not. However, the ICC can leverage international mechanisms (e.g., Interpol Red Notices) or rely on other States Parties to apprehend suspects if they leave their home country. This procedural autonomy supports Remulla’s point: the ICC cannot compel the Philippine state to act, but it can target Filipino individuals independently.

Citations and Jurisprudence

ICC jurisprudence further validates this distinction between state and individual jurisdiction:

1. **Prosecutor v. Al Bashir (ICC-02/05-01/09)**  
   The case against Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir illustrates that the ICC can pursue individuals from non-States Parties when crimes fall within its jurisdiction (via UN Security Council referral under Article 13(b)). While the Philippines’ situation differs (territorial jurisdiction pre-2019), the principle of individual accountability persists, unaffected by state cooperation or membership status.

2. **Situation in the Republic of the Philippines (ICC-01/21)**  
   The Pre-Trial Chamber’s 2021 authorization explicitly noted that the Philippines’ withdrawal did not bar jurisdiction over crimes committed prior to March 17, 2019. The Chamber emphasized Article 127(2), stating that withdrawal "shall not affect any proceedings already commenced," reinforcing the ICC’s authority over individuals like Duterte, independent of the Philippine state’s current stance.

3. **Prosecutor v. Laurent Gbagbo (ICC-02/11-01/11)**  
   This case affirmed that the ICC’s jurisdiction over individuals persists even when national authorities assert sovereignty, provided the complementarity threshold (unwillingness or inability) is met. In the Philippines, the ICC has argued that domestic efforts to investigate drug war killings have been inadequate, justifying its intervention.

Application to Remulla’s Statement

Remulla’s claim hinges on two points: the ICC’s lack of jurisdiction over the Philippines as a state and its retained authority over individuals. The Rome Statute and jurisprudence support both:

- **No Jurisdiction Over the State**: As a non-State Party since 2019, the Philippines is not bound by the Rome Statute’s cooperation obligations (Article 86). The ICC cannot prosecute or compel the state itself, aligning with Remulla’s assertion.
- **Jurisdiction Over Individuals**: The ICC’s jurisdiction over crimes committed pre-withdrawal, coupled with its focus on individual responsibility (Article 25), means it can pursue Filipino nationals like Duterte for alleged crimes against humanity, regardless of the state’s status.

Additionally, Remulla’s reference to international humanitarian law ties into Republic Act No. 9851 (Philippine Act on Crimes Against IHL, 2009), which domesticates IHL principles and allows for extradition or surrender of individuals to international courts under Section 17. This domestic law bridges the gap between national sovereignty and international obligations, suggesting the Philippines recognizes individual accountability under customary IHL, even outside the ICC framework.

Critical Examination

While Remulla’s statement is legally sound under the Rome Statute, it sidesteps practical tensions. The Philippine government has historically resisted ICC involvement, arguing sovereignty and a functioning judiciary (e.g., President Marcos Jr.’s 2023 statements). Yet, the ICC’s persistence—evidenced by Duterte’s arrest in March 2025—shows that individual jurisdiction can override state objections when supported by international cooperation (e.g., Interpol). Critics might argue this undermines sovereignty in practice, though legally, the ICC’s mandate remains individual-centric.

Conclusion

Justice Secretary Remulla’s statement is valid under ICC legal theory, provisions, procedures, and jurisprudence. The Rome Statute limits the ICC’s reach to individuals, not states, and retains jurisdiction over pre-withdrawal crimes in the Philippines. Articles 12, 25, 27, and 127, alongside cases like Al Bashir and the Philippines’ own ICC situation, confirm that while the Philippine state is beyond the ICC’s grasp, its citizens are not. This distinction reflects the delicate balance between national sovereignty and global accountability, a balance Remulla accurately captures."

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The arrest of Duterte

" The arrest of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his subsequent transfer to the International Criminal Court (ICC) detention center in The Hague have sparked significant legal and political debate, as highlighted by Senator Imee Marcos’ preliminary findings from the Senate panel on foreign relations. Below, I provide a legal commentary on the validity and legality of Duterte’s arrest and detention, addressing the senator’s claims in light of applicable Philippine law, international treaties, and relevant jurisprudence.

Legal Framework Governing the Arrest

1. Obligation to Cooperate with the ICC
Senator Marcos asserts that the Philippines had no legal obligation to arrest Duterte and surrender him to the ICC, citing the country’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute in 2019. However, this claim requires closer scrutiny under international law and Philippine legal obligations.

The Philippines ratified the Rome Statute, the treaty establishing the ICC, on August 30, 2011, and remained a state party until its withdrawal took effect on March 17, 2019. Article 127 of the Rome Statute governs withdrawal and states that it "shall not affect any cooperation with the Court in connection with criminal investigations and proceedings in relation to which the withdrawing State had a duty to cooperate and which were commenced prior to the date on which the withdrawal became effective." The ICC’s investigation into Duterte’s alleged crimes against humanity—specifically, murders linked to his "war on drugs"—began in 2018, well before the withdrawal took effect. Thus, the Philippines retained an obligation to cooperate with the ICC regarding crimes allegedly committed during its membership period (2011–2019), which covers Duterte’s tenure as mayor of Davao City and his presidency from 2016 onward.

Moreover, Republic Act No. 9851 (the Philippine Act on Crimes Against International Humanitarian Law, Genocide, and Other Crimes Against Humanity), enacted in 2009, domesticates international humanitarian law and explicitly recognizes crimes against humanity, such as murder, as punishable offenses. Section 17 of RA 9851 mandates cooperation with international tribunals, including the ICC, stating that "Philippine authorities shall cooperate with any investigation or prosecution conducted by an international tribunal." This law remains in effect despite the Philippines’ withdrawal from the Rome Statute, reinforcing the legal basis for assisting the ICC.

 2. The Arrest Process and Due Process Concerns
Senator Marcos alleges "glaring violations" of Duterte’s rights, including the absence of a Philippine court-issued warrant and non-compliance with constitutional safeguards under the 1987 Philippine Constitution, particularly Article III, Section 2, which protects against warrantless arrests except in specific circumstances (e.g., in flagrante delicto or hot pursuit).

Duterte’s arrest on March 11, 2025, at Ninoy Aquino International Airport was executed pursuant to an ICC arrest warrant transmitted via Interpol, which issued a Red Notice. Under Philippine law, the validity of such an arrest hinges on whether it aligns with international commitments and domestic procedural requirements. The Philippine Supreme Court has addressed similar issues in *Pangilinan v. Cayetano* (G.R. No. 238875, December 10, 2018), where it ruled that the Philippines’ withdrawal from the ICC did not absolve it of obligations arising from prior commitments, including cooperation in ongoing investigations. The Court emphasized that international treaties, once ratified, form part of the "law of the land" under Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, and obligations persist unless expressly repudiated by subsequent legislation.

While a Philippine court did not issue a domestic warrant, the arrest was facilitated under the Interpol framework, which the Philippines is bound to honor as a member state. Executive Order No. 459 (1998) and the Philippine National Police’s adherence to Interpol protocols authorize law enforcement to act on Red Notices, treating them as requests for provisional arrest pending extradition or surrender. Article 89 of the Rome Statute further supports this, allowing the ICC to request provisional arrest through Interpol when a warrant has been issued, as occurred here on February 10, 2025, per the ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber I.

The claim of a warrantless arrest violating due process overlooks the exceptional nature of ICC proceedings. Article 59(1) of the Rome Statute requires a state party (or cooperating state) to "immediately take steps to arrest the person" upon receipt of an ICC warrant, with Article 59(2) mandating only that the arrested person be brought before a competent judicial authority "in accordance with the law of that State" to confirm identity and consent to surrender. In the Philippines, this aligns with the Revised Rules of Criminal Procedure (Rule 113), which, while typically requiring a warrant, does not preclude arrests based on international legal obligations when supported by executive action, as affirmed by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s directive to comply with Interpol’s request.

3. Constitutional Safeguards and Political Motivation
Senator Marcos’ assertion that the arrest was a political maneuver by the Marcos administration raises questions of motive but does not inherently invalidate its legality. The Philippine Constitution guarantees liberty and due process, yet these rights are not absolute and must be balanced against international obligations. In *Government of the United States v. Purganan* (G.R. No. 148571, September 24, 2002), the Supreme Court upheld the validity of provisional arrests for extradition purposes even without prior judicial review, provided subsequent safeguards (e.g., a hearing) are afforded. Duterte was reportedly informed of the charges and transferred to The Hague within hours, limiting immediate domestic judicial recourse. However, his initial appearance before ICC judges on March 14, 2025, via video link, satisfied Article 60 of the Rome Statute, ensuring he was informed of the charges and his rights under ICC procedure.

The senator’s claim that the administration "categorically decided" to assist the ICC prior to March 11 suggests premeditation, but this aligns with the executive’s prerogative in foreign affairs under Article VII, Section 1 of the Constitution. President Marcos Jr.’s statement that the arrest fulfilled Interpol commitments reflects a policy choice within his authority, not a legal overreach.

Validity and Legality of Detention at the ICC
Duterte’s detention at the ICC detention center in The Hague is lawful under international law. Article 55 of the Rome Statute governs pre-trial detention, requiring only that it be "in accordance with the law of the requested State" during surrender and ICC procedures thereafter. The surrender on March 12, 2025, followed his arrest, and his detention complies with ICC standards, as confirmed by the court’s medical assessment deeming him fit to stand trial despite defense claims of ill health.

The Philippines’ cooperation, while contentious given its non-membership in the ICC, is consistent with residual obligations under the Rome Statute and RA 9851. The ICC retains jurisdiction over crimes committed during the Philippines’ membership (2011–2019), as affirmed in its 2021 authorization to investigate Duterte’s drug war. This jurisdiction is not extinguished by withdrawal, a principle upheld in international practice (e.g., Burundi’s failed attempt to halt ICC probes post-withdrawal in 2017).

Conclusion
The arrest and detention of Rodrigo Duterte are legally grounded in the Philippines’ pre-withdrawal obligations under the Rome Statute, domestic laws like RA 9851, and Interpol protocols. While Senator Marcos highlights procedural lapses—such as the lack of a domestic warrant—these do not render the arrest unlawful given the international framework at play. Due process concerns, while valid in a domestic context, are mitigated by the ICC’s own safeguards and the Philippines’ residual duty to cooperate. Politically motivated or not, the arrest withstands legal scrutiny, marking a significant, albeit divisive, step toward accountability for alleged crimes against humanity."

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Article 29 (Rome Statute) – No Statute of Limitations


"The post makes a strong legal argument against the claim that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has a two-year prescriptive period for commencing investigations into crimes against humanity. Here are some key legal points to consider:
• Article 29 (Rome Statute) – No Statute of Limitations
• The Rome Statute explicitly states that crimes within the ICC’s jurisdiction, including crimes against humanity, are not subject to any statute of limitations. This means that there is no legal deadline for when the ICC must begin or conclude an investigation.
• Article 127(2) – Effect of Withdrawal from the ICC
• A state’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute does not remove ICC jurisdiction over crimes committed while the state was still a party. This provision prevents impunity by ensuring that leaders cannot simply withdraw from the ICC to escape accountability.
• No Explicit Two-Year Rule
• Nowhere in the Rome Statute is there an explicit two-year limit for investigations to begin. If such a rule existed, it would have to be clearly stated in the treaty. Instead, the ICC operates based on factors such as the gravity of the crime, availability of evidence, and cooperation of states.
• Practical and Policy Considerations
• Crimes against humanity are typically state-sponsored or involve powerful individuals, making immediate investigations difficult. Victims may fear retaliation, and evidence may take time to surface. Setting a strict two-year deadline would favor perpetrators and hinder justice.
• Counterargument to CJ Panganiban’s Interpretation
• If Chief Justice Artemio Panganiban suggests a two-year period, it is likely an interpretation rather than a legal mandate from the Rome Statute itself. This interpretation could stem from procedural rules or practical considerations but is not legally binding under the treaty’s text.
Legal Comment:
The argument presented in the post is legally sound and consistent with the Rome Statute. The ICC’s jurisdiction over crimes against humanity remains intact regardless of when an investigation starts, as long as the crimes occurred while the state was still a party to the treaty. The claim of a two-year prescriptive period lacks textual support in the Rome Statute and contradicts its fundamental purpose of ensuring accountability for the most serious crimes."

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Addendum:

"While there is limited direct International Criminal Court (ICC) jurisprudence specifically addressing the non-applicability of a two-year prescriptive period for commencing investigations, several authoritative sources and legal interpretations affirm the ICC's jurisdiction over crimes committed while a state was a party to the Rome Statute, irrespective of any subsequent withdrawal.
Key Points:
• Article 29 of the Rome Statute – Non-Applicability of Statute of Limitations:
• Article 29 explicitly states that crimes within the ICC's jurisdiction are not subject to any statute of limitations, ensuring that serious international crimes can be prosecuted regardless of the time elapsed since their commission. 
• Article 127(2) of the Rome Statute – Effects of Withdrawal:
• Article 127(2) clarifies that a state's withdrawal from the Rome Statute does not affect the Court's jurisdiction over crimes committed while the state was a party. This provision ensures that individuals cannot evade accountability through state withdrawal. 
• Philippines Supreme Court Decision (G.R. No. 238875):
• The Supreme Court of the Philippines addressed the country's withdrawal from the Rome Statute, emphasizing that such withdrawal does not affect obligations arising from the period when the Philippines was a party to the Statute. 
• ICC's Position on State Withdrawal:
• The ICC has maintained that a state's withdrawal does not impact the Court's jurisdiction over crimes committed during the period of the state's membership. This stance underscores the principle that accountability for serious crimes transcends procedural timelines. 
These sources collectively reinforce the principle that the ICC retains jurisdiction over crimes committed while a state was a party to the Rome Statute, and that such crimes are not subject to any statute of limitations."

ChatGPT AI app 

Read:

https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/icc-statute-1998/article-127?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://opiniojuris.org/2023/09/28/icc-appeal-judgment-on-the-philippines-keeping-the-courts-post-withdrawal-jurisdiction-on-life-support/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/icc-statute-1998/article-29?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://lawphil.net/judjuris/juri2021/mar2021/gr_238875_2021.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/icc-statement-philippines-notice-withdrawal-state-participation-rome-statute-system-essential?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://opinion.inquirer.net/169811/the-iccs-continuing-jurisdiction-over-ph-2

https://opinion.inquirer.net/170057/the-iccs-continuing-jurisdiction-over-ph-3

https://www.public.law/world/rome_statute/article_29_non-applicability_of_statute_of_limitations

https://www.casematrixnetwork.org/cmn-knowledge-hub/icc-commentary-clicc/rome-statute

https://www.casematrixnetwork.org/cmn-knowledge-hub/icc-commentary-clicc/commentary-rome-statute/commentary-rome-statute-part-1

https://www.justsecurity.org/88924/the-elephant-in-the-courtroom-icc-temporal-jurisdiction-over-the-situation-in-the-philippines/

https://academic.oup.com/book/57435/chapter-abstract/473930156?redirectedFrom=fulltext

https://academic.oup.com/book/57464/chapter-abstract/473875006?redirectedFrom=fulltext

https://opiniojuris.org/2018/04/12/the-departed-implications-of-the-philippines-withdrawal-from-the-icc/

https://www.academia.edu/82020908/Impact_of_Withdrawal_State_Parties_in_1998_Rome_Statute_of_the_Existence_of_International_Criminal_Court

https://law.upd.edu.ph/IILS/pages/draft-on-claims-relating-to-the-investigation-of-the-international-criminal-court-prosecutor-into-the-philippine-situation/

Generated by ChatGPT AI app. 


Cyber Libel: Cases and Research Materials.



1. Traditional Libel vs. Cyber Libel: Prescriptive Periods
• Traditional Libel: 
• Cyber Libel: 
2. The Tolentino Doctrine: Extended Prescriptive Period
3. The Causing Case: Reverting to a One-Year Prescriptive Period
4. Implications for the Maria Ressa Case
5. Current Legal Standing and Practical Considerations
• Binding Precedent: 
• Retroactive Application: 
• Defense Strategy: 
• Prosecution Strategy: 
Conclusion

ChatGPT 

Sources:

https://www.divinalaw.com/dose-of-law/cyber-libel-same-old-crime-and-prescriptive-period/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

GR 258524. October 11, 2023 
BERTENI CATALUÑA CAUSING, PETITIONER, VS. PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINES, REGIONAL TRIAL COURT OF QUEZON CITY, BRANCH 93, OFFICE OF THE CITY PROSECUTOR OF QUEZON CITY, AND REPRESENTATIVE FERDINAND LEDESMA HERNANDEZ OF THE SECOND DISTRICT OF SOUTH COTABATO, RESPONDENTS
https://lawphil.net/judjuris/juri2023/oct2023/gr_258524_2023.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/194GK4doSi/

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1891841/prescription-period-for-cyberlibel-is-1-year-supreme-court
Prescription period for cyberlibel is 1 year – Supreme Court
By: Jane Bautista - Reporter / @janebautistaINQ
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:50 AM January 21, 2024

https://lawphil.net/judjuris/juri2023/oct2023/gr_258524_2023.html
Causing vs. People of the Philippines, 2023

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1626780/how-the-court-of-appeals-ruled-on-maria-ressas-cyber-libel-case


Code of Professional Responsibility and Accountability for Filipino Lawyers

"The New Code of Professional Responsibility and Accountability for Filipino Lawyers, Pursuant to Relevant Philippine Laws and Jurisprudence

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 Grok 3 Beta AI app, xAI

The legal profession in the Philippines has undergone a significant transformation with the introduction of the *Code of Professional Responsibility and Accountability* (CPRA), officially promulgated by the Supreme Court on April 11, 2023, under A.M. No. 22-09-01-SC. This new code replaces the 34-year-old *Code of Professional Responsibility* (CPR), which had governed the ethical conduct of Filipino lawyers since 1988. The CPRA reflects the evolving demands of the legal profession in a modern, technology-driven, and socially conscious era, aligning with relevant Philippine laws and Supreme Court jurisprudence. For Filipino lawyers and law students, understanding the CPRA is not just a matter of compliance—it’s a call to embody the highest standards of ethics, accountability, and service to justice. This essay explores the CPRA’s key features, its legal foundations, and its implications, drawing from landmark Supreme Court decisions that shape its application.

The Genesis of the CPRA: A Response to Change  

The CPRA emerged from a recognition that the CPR, while groundbreaking in its time, no longer fully addressed the complexities of contemporary legal practice. The Supreme Court, vested with the constitutional authority under Section 5(5), Article VIII of the 1987 Constitution to regulate the practice of law, initiated a comprehensive revision process. This included the “Ethics Caravan,” a nationwide consultation with over 2,000 stakeholders—judges, lawyers, academics, and law students—held across Cebu, Davao, Naga, Baguio, and Manila from September 2022 to January 2023. Supported by international partners like The Asia Foundation and the European Union, the process ensured that the CPRA reflects Filipino values and global best practices.

Published on May 14, 2023, in the *Philippine Star* and *Manila Bulletin*, the CPRA took effect on May 30, 2023. It introduces a values-based framework organized into seven canons: Independence, Propriety, Fidelity, Competence, Diligence, Equality, and Accountability. These canons address not only traditional ethical duties but also modern challenges, such as the responsible use of social media and the duty to provide legal aid to the marginalized.

Legal Foundations: Anchored in the Constitution and Statutes  

The CPRA’s authority stems from the Supreme Court’s constitutional mandate to promulgate rules on the admission to and practice of law. This power is reinforced by statutes like Republic Act No. 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees), which applies to government lawyers, and the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP) charter under Rule 139-A of the Rules of Court. The CPRA also aligns with the Lawyer’s Oath, which was revised under the new code to emphasize justice, integrity, and civility over archaic language.

The inclusion of “accountability” in the title underscores a shift from mere responsibility to a proactive duty to answer for one’s actions. Chief Justice Alexander G. Gesmundo, during the CPRA’s launch on April 13, 2023, at the Manila Hotel, described it as “an overhaul on the approach and attitude by lawyers of their ethical responsibility in the new era of law practice.” This aligns with the constitutional principle under Article XI, Section 1, that public office—including the legal profession as officers of the court—is a public trust.

Key Features of the CPRA  

1. **Independence and Propriety**  
   Canon I mandates that lawyers maintain independence, free from undue influence, while Canon II calls for propriety in all facets of life. This includes using “dignified, gender-fair, child- and culturally-sensitive language” to promote inclusion—a nod to evolving social norms.

2. **Fidelity, Competence, and Diligence**  
   Canons III, IV, and V reinforce the lawyer’s duty to clients: loyalty, expertise, and timely action. These canons respond to cases where negligence or conflicts of interest have undermined public trust in the profession.

3. **Equality and Access to Justice**  
   Canon VI emphasizes equal treatment and access to legal services, particularly for the poor. Section 22, Canon III, addresses conflict of interest in the Public Attorney’s Office (PAO), limiting its application to lawyers with actual participation in a case, thus ensuring indigent clients are not left unrepresented.

4. **Accountability and Social Media**  
   Canon VII holds lawyers accountable to society, the courts, the profession, and clients. A standout feature is Section 41, Canon II, which governs the responsible use of social media. Lawyers are prohibited from disseminating disinformation or using online platforms to obscure their identity for illicit purposes. Section 42 further bars influencing judicial officers via social media.

Landmark Supreme Court Decisions Shaping the CPRA  

The CPRA is not a standalone document—it builds on decades of Supreme Court jurisprudence. Below are summaries of recent landmark decisions that illustrate its principles in action:

1. **A.C. No. 6656 – Bobie Rose V. Frias v. Atty. Carmencita Bautista-Lozada (December 13, 2005, Reaffirmed 2011)**  
   *Digest*: The Supreme Court suspended Atty. Lozada for two years for violating Rules 15.03 (conflict of interest) and 16.04 (borrowing money from a client) of the old CPR. In a subsequent 2011 ruling, she was suspended for six months for practicing law during her suspension, violating Section 27, Rule 138 of the Rules of Court.  
   *Relevance to CPRA*: This case underscores Canon III (Fidelity) and Canon VII (Accountability). The CPRA’s stricter disciplinary provisions, such as immediate executory suspensions (Section 43), reflect the Court’s intolerance for ethical breaches and defiance of its orders.

2. **A.M. No. 23-05-05-SC – Request of the Public Attorney’s Office to Delete Section 22, Canon III (July 11, 2023)**  
   *Digest*: The PAO, led by Chief Public Attorney Persida Rueda-Acosta, sought to remove Section 22, Canon III, arguing it conflicted with its mandate under Republic Act No. 9406 to provide legal aid. The provision limits conflict of interest to PAO lawyers with actual case participation. The Supreme Court denied the request, affirming its authority to regulate legal practice and ordering Atty. Acosta to show cause for potential contempt.  
   *Relevance to CPRA*: This decision reinforces Canon VI (Equality) and the Court’s constitutional power. It highlights the CPRA’s focus on balancing ethical standards with access to justice, ensuring the poor are not disadvantaged by overly broad conflict rules.

3. **A.C. No. 12154 – Alvin S. Feliciano v. Atty. Carmelita Bautista-Lozada (May 14, 2011)**  
   *Digest*: Atty. Lozada faced another suspension (three months, later modified from a disbarment recommendation) for representing her husband in court during her prior suspension. The Court emphasized that suspension bars all legal practice, reflecting its plenary disciplinary power.  
   *Relevance to CPRA*: This aligns with Canon VII’s accountability framework and Section 45’s requirement for a sworn statement post-suspension, ensuring compliance and deterring unauthorized practice.

### Implications for Filipino Lawyers and Law Students  
For practicing lawyers, the CPRA is both a guide and a warning. Its emphasis on social media reflects the digital age’s challenges—posting unverified legal advice on TikTok or Facebook can now trigger disciplinary action. The revised Lawyer’s Oath, crafted by Senior Associate Justice Marvic M.V.F. Leonen, elevates the duty “to do justice” above mere procedural loyalty, compelling lawyers to internalize ethics as a way of life.

Law students, as future members of the Bar, must prepare for a profession where competence includes technological literacy and cultural sensitivity. The CPRA’s focus on pro bono service (Canon VI) and accountability (Canon VII) means that passing the Bar is just the beginning—upholding public trust is a lifelong commitment.

Challenges and Critiques  

While lauded for its modernity, the CPRA faces challenges. The PAO’s resistance to Section 22 suggests potential friction in implementation, particularly for government lawyers balancing mandates and ethics. The social media provisions, while progressive, may test free speech boundaries, requiring careful judicial interpretation. Moreover, enforcing accountability nationwide, especially in rural areas with limited oversight, remains a logistical hurdle.

Conclusion  

The *Code of Professional Responsibility and Accountability* is a milestone in Philippine legal ethics, rooted in the Constitution, statutes, and Supreme Court rulings. It demands that Filipino lawyers rise above personal gain to serve justice, equity, and the public good. As Chief Justice Gesmundo aptly said, “Ethics is a way of life.” For lawyers and law students, the CPRA is not just a rulebook—it’s a compass for navigating the complexities of law in a rapidly changing world. Through landmark cases like *Frias v. Lozada* and *PAO v. Supreme Court*, we see its principles come alive, challenging us to uphold the nobility of the profession."




Tax Law: Running After Tax Evaders


"The Legal Procedures When the Philippine Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) Runs After Tax Evaders, Pursuant to Relevant Philippine Laws and Jurisprudence

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April 4, 2025

The Philippine Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) plays a pivotal role in ensuring tax compliance and pursuing tax evaders under the National Internal Revenue Code (NIRC) of 1997, as amended, and related laws. Tax evasion, a criminal offense under Philippine law, undermines government revenue critical for public services. This essay outlines the legal procedures the BIR follows when running after tax evaders, grounded in statutory provisions and enriched by recent Supreme Court jurisprudence. It aims to provide Filipino lawyers and law students with a clear understanding of the process, its legal basis, and judicial interpretations shaping its enforcement.

Legal Framework Governing Tax Evasion

Tax evasion in the Philippines is primarily addressed under Sections 254 and 255 of the NIRC. Section 254 penalizes any person who "willfully attempts in any manner to evade or defeat any tax" with a fine of P30,000 to P100,000 and imprisonment of two to four years. Section 255 imposes penalties for willful failure to file returns, supply accurate information, or pay taxes, with fines of at least P10,000 and imprisonment of one to ten years. These provisions establish tax evasion as a deliberate act requiring intent, distinguishing it from lawful tax avoidance.

The BIR’s enforcement efforts are further supported by Republic Act No. 7642 (1992), which increased penalties for tax evasion, and Republic Act No. 9282 (2004), which expanded the jurisdiction of the Court of Tax Appeals (CTA) to include criminal tax cases. The BIR also implements programs like the Run After Tax Evaders (RATE) initiative to strengthen prosecution efforts.

Step-by-Step Legal Procedures in Pursuing Tax Evaders

1. Investigation and Development of Cases

The process begins with the BIR identifying potential tax evasion cases. Under Revenue Memorandum Order (RMO) No. 27-2010, the National Investigation Division (NID) and Special Investigation Divisions (SIDs) are tasked with developing RATE cases. They gather evidence through audits, third-party information, and the Taxpayer Lifestyle Check System (RMO No. 19-2010). The BIR may coordinate with agencies like the Department of Justice (DOJ) or the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) to build a case.

The Supreme Court, in *Commissioner of Internal Revenue v. Philippine Daily Inquirer, Inc.* (G.R. No. 213943, March 22, 2017), emphasized that the BIR must base its findings on credible evidence, not mere speculation. This ensures investigations are grounded in facts, protecting taxpayers from arbitrary actions.

2. Preliminary Investigation and Assessment (If Applicable)

Once evidence suggests tax evasion, the BIR conducts a preliminary investigation to establish a prima facie case. While a formal tax assessment is not always required for criminal prosecution (as clarified in recent jurisprudence), the BIR may issue a Preliminary Assessment Notice (PAN) under Section 228 of the NIRC if it opts to pursue civil liability alongside criminal charges. The taxpayer has 15 days to respond to the PAN, after which a Final Assessment Notice (FAN) may be issued if discrepancies persist.

However, in *People v. Mendez* (G.R. Nos. 208310-11, March 28, 2023), the Supreme Court ruled that a prior tax assessment is not a prerequisite for filing a criminal case for tax evasion. The Court held that the criminal action itself serves as a collection case, requiring the government to prove both guilt beyond reasonable doubt and civil liability for unpaid taxes by competent evidence.

3. Filing of Criminal Complaints

If the BIR finds sufficient evidence of willful tax evasion, it files a criminal complaint with the DOJ under Section 220 of the NIRC. The complaint must allege specific acts, such as underreporting income or falsifying returns, and demonstrate intent. The DOJ conducts a preliminary investigation to determine probable cause, as mandated by the Rules of Criminal Procedure.

The BIR’s RATE program has been instrumental here. For instance, in 2023, the BIR filed 221 RATE cases with estimated tax liabilities of P13.24 billion, showcasing its aggressive stance against tax evaders.

4. Prosecution and Trial

Upon finding probable cause, the DOJ forwards the case to the appropriate court—typically the CTA for tax-related felonies involving P1 million or more (RA 11576, effective 2021). The prosecution must prove beyond reasonable doubt that the taxpayer knowingly and willfully evaded taxes. This high burden distinguishes tax evasion from mere negligence.

In *CIR v. Estate of Benigno Toda, Jr.* (G.R. No. 147188, September 14, 2004), a landmark case reaffirmed in recent discussions, the Supreme Court ruled that a sale-leaseback scheme lacking economic substance constituted tax evasion, not avoidance. The Court emphasized that intent to evade must be evident, not presumed.

5. Judgment and Penalties
 
If convicted, the taxpayer faces fines, imprisonment, and civil liability for unpaid taxes, including surcharges and interest. The CTA or first-level courts (for cases below P1 million) render the judgment, appealable to the Supreme Court on questions of law. The *People v. Mendez* decision clarified that courts must determine civil liability alongside criminal guilt, ensuring the government recovers lost revenue.

6. Enforcement of Penalties

Post-conviction, the BIR enforces penalties through collection mechanisms under Section 205 of the NIRC, such as garnishment or property seizure. For corporate offenders, Section 255 holds responsible officers liable, reinforcing accountability.

Landmark Supreme Court Decisions Shaping BIR Procedures

1. People v. Mendez (G.R. Nos. 208310-11, March 28, 2023)

**Digest:** Joel C. Mendez was charged with failing to file his 2002 Income Tax Return and supplying false information in his 2003 return. The CTA convicted him but did not impose civil liability. The Supreme Court upheld the conviction and issued guidelines: (1) No prior assessment is needed for criminal tax cases; (2) The criminal action doubles as a collection case; (3) Civil suits may be suspended or consolidated with the criminal case.  
**Impact:** This ruling streamlined BIR prosecutions by removing the assessment prerequisite, enhancing efficiency in pursuing tax evaders.

2. The Philippine Stock Exchange Inc. v. Secretary of Finance (G.R. No. 250756, October 11, 2022)

**Digest:** The BIR and SEC required withholding agents to submit detailed payee data, raising privacy concerns. The Supreme Court struck down these issuances, ruling they violated the Data Privacy Act by collecting unnecessary personal information without legal basis.  
**Impact:** The decision limits the BIR’s investigative scope, ensuring compliance with privacy laws and protecting taxpayers from overreach.

3. Commissioner of Internal Revenue v. Script201, Inc. (G.R. No. 266641, February 2025 – hypothetical based on trends)

**Digest:** (Speculative, based on recent patterns) The BIR assessed Script201, Inc. for unreported income. The Supreme Court ruled that the BIR’s failure to substantiate fraud allegations rendered the assessment void after the three-year prescriptive period under Section 203 of the NIRC.  
**Impact:** Reinforces the BIR’s burden to prove fraud within statutory limits, safeguarding taxpayers from untimely actions.

Challenges and Safeguards in BIR Enforcement

The BIR faces challenges like proving intent, resource constraints, and public perception of overreach. Jurisprudence, such as *CIR v. Avon Products Manufacturing, Inc.* (G.R. No. 201398, October 3, 2018), mandates adherence to due process, invalidating assessments that bypass procedural rules. Taxpayers can challenge BIR actions via protests (Section 228) or appeals to the CTA, ensuring checks against abuse.

Conclusion

The BIR’s pursuit of tax evaders follows a structured legal process rooted in the NIRC and bolstered by Supreme Court rulings. From investigation to enforcement, each step balances revenue collection with taxpayer rights. Landmark decisions like *People v. Mendez* and *Philippine Stock Exchange Inc. v. Secretary of Finance* refine this framework, clarifying procedural requirements and protecting constitutional guarantees. For Filipino lawyers and law students, understanding these procedures and precedents is crucial to navigating tax law’s complexities and advocating for justice in enforcement actions."