Filipino language in the 1987 Constitution.
"x x x.
I also write this for those who assert that Filipino is simply Tagalog, and that insisting that Filipino be spoken all over the country is an internal form of imperialism over other regional identities that should be resisted.
It is this continuing resistance to the Filipino language, whether stemming from unfamiliarity or from contempt, which provides context to why we have to still devote a month to remind ourselves that there is a national language after all. We have to be reminded always, since we constantly face the threat of forgetting it, even as many may continue to ignore it.
One of the tragedies of a colonized society like ours is the absence of a solidly-founded national narrative that permeates our lives. This is aggravated by a lingering fetish at everything that is Western, leading one to prefer the language and lifestyle of the colonizers. Colonization is indeed a process of identity displacement, since it has effectively rendered our former selves as our new “other,” even as our colonial “other” becomes now part of our post-colonial selves.
In this context, English is no longer seen as the language of the colonial “other.” In fact, to many, it is speaking Filipino that is now the unfamiliar “other.” I, for one, am horrified to know that many of our younger generations do not know how to count in Filipino, and would understand “one hundred” but not “isang daan.” I have always scolded my children, for example, for not knowing their colors in Filipino.
While this may be the failure of how Filipino is taught in basic education, it does not negate the fact that we do really have a big problem when the manner our national language is taught is itself problematic. Indeed, the fault may also lie in many unimaginative and ill-prepared Filipino teachers. But then again, this is symptomatic of the level of attention and support the educational system gave the teaching of Filipino. After all, Filipino was just taught as a course, and as a medium for instruction in some subject areas, but not as the medium upon which all forms of knowledge will be engaged by the students. One just has to compare our situation with the poor-in-English but richer countries such as Korea, Taiwan and Japan where the medium of instruction is their national languages, to know how tragic the colonial legacy of fetishizing English was for us.
The other tragedy of being colonized lies in the lingering shadows of disunity seen in a country that is divided, and that cleaves along regional identities. This reveals the ironic reality that despite its might, our colonization was not totalizing after all, as it left a deeply fractured domain of identities, now finding a space in a post-colonial world expressed in the form of regional movements for autonomy not only in politics, but even on the issue of language.
Cebuanos are in fact very vocal about their assertions of their own language and culture, with them even attempting to draw their own adaptations of national symbols and discourses such as the National Anthem. The hurt felt by Cebuanos, and of other regions, of being forced to speak a language not their own, and to further inflict on them a national language that for all intents and purposes is an imposition from imperial Manila, is a highly charged discourse. It is a highly emotional issue that even enlightened academics I know who are non-Tagalog speakers and are based in their regions would gravitate towards a hostile attitude at the Filipino language.
The ultimate tragedy left by a colonial experience that conquered by dividing us on the very base of our indigenous selves is that it solidified Western templates of who we should be, seen in Western modes of faith embodied in the dominance Catholicism, and in alien modes of expressing ourselves seen in the dominance of English. It is terribly disconcerting that those who oppose Filipino to become the language that can hope to unite us have no qualms in elevating English as a better alternative for us to communicate with each other. The ultimate curse of colonization that lives even up to now is when the language of the colonizer is deemed as a more acceptable unifier of our multiple selves, rather than the Filipino that is so resented for its being the language of the Tagalogs, who are in fact one of us.
Tagalog as language then becomes more “other” than English. Indeed, how tragic.
The 1987 Constitution has declared that Filipino is our national language. But in recognition of the diversity of our languages, the Constitution has also declared its fluidity and evolving nature, and sets these as the framework for its growth and intellectualization. Section 6 of Article XIV states that: “The national language of the Philippines is Filipino. As it evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages.”
This fluidity, which ideally should assuage the resentment felt by adherents of other regional languages, is however also a cause for vulnerability and uncertainty when paired with the succeeding provision which states that: “Subject to provisions of law and as the Congress may deem appropriate, the Government shall take steps to initiate and sustain the use of Filipino as a medium of official communication and as language of instruction in the educational system.” The vulnerability lies in the phraseology of this provision, where the propagation of Filipino as an official language for communication and instruction is subjected to that now familiar escape clause—the notorious “subject to the provisions of law and as Congress may deem appropriate.” To date, while the 1987 Constitution specifies Filipino as the national language, Congress has not passed a law where it “deemed appropriate” to make Filipino the medium of official communication and as a mandatory medium of instruction in all levels of the educational system.
It is in this context that we now see the unfolding of a very precarious situation for the advancement of the Filipino language triggered ironically by a policy move in a domain where its protection and intellectualization are supposed to be nurtured. I am referring to the sector of education, particularly on the implementation of the K to12 curriculum, and the corresponding formulation by CHED of the new General Education (GE) curriculum for tertiary education. In this new educational policy regime, Filipino will no longer be taught at the tertiary level, even as Higher Educations Institutions (HEIs) have the option of teaching the GE courses, or some of them, using Filipino as a medium of instruction. One should however take note that this is just an option, and not mandatory.
Such move will not only threaten the job security of many Filipino teachers at the tertiary level. More fundamental is the serious implications it will have on the further intellectualization of the national language. Teaching Filipino as a subject area and using it as a medium of instruction at the basic education level may help in its intellectualization, but these are not enough. Intellectualization requires research, and a faculty equipped with the ability to conduct research. This can only happen at the tertiary level, where faculty members advance in their career paths by conducting research and publishing their findings. Without a course to teach, Filipino Departments in colleges and universities across the country, except perhaps those that offer major programs in Filipino, face the specter of closure, with their teachers forced to transfer to Grades 11 and 12. In this scenario, it is not only the salaries and job securities of these teachers that may be jeopardized. Also put at risk will be the stable base for the advancement of the Filipino language as a scholarly field of inquiry.
Indeed, no thanks to K to 12, and the new GE curriculum, the ground from where the Filipino language stands on has now been destabilized. Our colonial experience has rendered the process of strengthening and intellectualizing the Filipino language as a challenging and difficult one. Among all the institutions in society, it is the educational institutions that are supposed to be the home for such endeavors, and it is in the tertiary level that intellectualization can be deepened. It is therefore ironic that in the pursuit of enhancing our basic education to be at par with the rest of the world, and in adopting a revised GE curriculum at the tertiary level in the context of what CHED has now elevated as an outcomes-based approach to learning, that the educational system in fact betrayed the Filipino language, by unwittingly throwing its advancement and intellectualization into a sea of uncertainty.
Already, and in response to the moves by Filipino teachers to petition CHED to amend its Memorandum Order to now require Filipino at the tertiary level, we now see the emergence of counter-voices that deploy globalization and ASEAN integration, the same warrants that were used to justify K to 12 and the new GE curriculum, as the same argument to support a stay in the decision of abolishing Filipino at the tertiary level.
The abolition of Filipino at the tertiary level threatens not only the advances made in its institutionalization as an academic discipline, but also the political openings for a policy dialogue towards the strengthening of our national language. It will resurrect the fractious and divisive debates. Instead of resolving the issues, which I consider as otherwise valid, from the perspective of a language policy that would respect the process of a healthy dialogue among all Filipino languages, what is rekindled is the contentious domain of debate that is about to reopen wounds of division between the Tagalogs and the rest of the archipelago.
And here, any appeal to a remedy that would try to invoke the Constitution faces the risk of a lethal blow from a court that may even lend judicial ammunition, in a possible favorable ruling, to those who decided to transform the existence of Filipino in the tertiary level into becoming a mere pedagogical device one can opt to use. The court can simply rule that the Constitution is not violated since Congress has yet to pass a law confirming the Constitutional intent of elevating Filipino as an official medium of communication and instruction at all levels. And passing that law in Congress faces the risk of delay, if not protracted debates where politicians representing non-Tagalog speaking regions can throw a monkey-wrench at any move to install a national language. Hence, we will be back to square one.
Those who oppose the move of retaining Filipino as a course always argue that Filipino will remain an option in teaching of GE courses in college. But this is an unreliable proposition in the context of the elevation of globalization and ASEAN integration as new mantras for institution building and policy-making. As a mere option, this policy does not carry a lot of weight. The global imperatives are just too compelling, and when combined with the reality of colonially-minded school and university administrators, this can only but lead to the preference of English over Filipino.
In this scenario, Filipino should have been protected. The sad fact is that it wasn’t. One can but cry out loud at how can some educators of this land who were responsible for crafting such policies, some of whom even take pride in self-labeling themselves as allies of the Filipino language, could have in fact become Trojan horses for its possible demise.
x x x."
