Sunday, July 17, 2011

International justice system blossoms - Opinion - Al Jazeera English

International justice system blossoms - Opinion - Al Jazeera English

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Opinion
International justice system blossoms
No longer can war criminals expect amnesty 'for the sake of peace',
no longer are victims asked to forget.
Last Modified: 17 Jul 2011 08:11
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The recent capture of Ratko Mladic brings hope to victims' relatives that the alleged architect of the 1995 Srebrenica massacre will be brought to justice [EPA]
As we acknowledge International Justice Day on July 17, calls for accountability for
human rights abuses resound across the globe, from Cairo to Washington, from
Bogota to Kinshasa, from Srebrenica to Colombo. The demands for justice are
today a driving force of social change and popular revolutions, and their reach now
extends to those at the highest levels of power. Those leaders have, from time
immemorial, been deemed untouchable and often afforded immunity in furtive and
shabby deals that shielded them from prosecution "for the sake of peace". That day
is passing.

The notion that impunity for mass atrocities and severe human rights violations is
acceptable has been shattered, largely due to the accelerating development of
international justice over the past two decades. While there are legitimate debates
about the performance and capacity of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and ad
hoc tribunals (and they have yet to live up to their promises in terms of their of impact
on affected communities), it is nonetheless beyond dispute that international justice
plays an increasingly important role in our rapidly changing world.

The most visible impact of these courts and tribunals comes from their power to directly
investigate and prosecute political and military leaders who are usually beyond the reach
of national courts. The arrest of Slobodan Milosevic in 2001 marked the beginning of a new
era in which it is now possible to arrest high-level figures, setting the stage for the ICC to
issue arrest warrants for Omar al-Bashir, the president of Sudan, and Muammar Gadhafi,
the president of Libya.

They join a lengthening line of leaders from Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, Cambodia,
Sierra Leone, Liberia and other countries who have found that impunity for serious crimes is
rapidly eroding.

Such high-level prosecutions send a powerful signal: the circle of justice is closing and the
principle that no one is above the law is rapidly gaining ground. This should be a clear message
to all who believe widespread, systematic crimes can be perpetrated with impunity, despite some 
obvious exceptions such as in Sri Lanka or in Syria.

Leveling charges against high-level political figures brings controversy. Politicians and 
regional organizations such as the African Union or Arab League, often try to argue that justice 
cannot be pursued at the expense of peace. The African Union has issued resolutions 
stating that its members should not arrest al-Bashir or Gadhafi. In Lebanon, it is not clear 
whether the government will respect the decisions of the Special Tribunal and enforce arrest 
warrants in the Hariri case. We must not shy away from these difficult questions.
policymakers, particularly in

We must recognize that while justice is essential for long-term peace and security, there can
be short-term tensions that deserve serious consideration and planning.


Trials in Tunisia, Egypt must respect due process

Moreover, we must guard against misuse of the law for short-term political purposes that
undermine the cause of justice. In Tunisia the first in absentia judgments against former
President Ben Ali and upcoming proceedings against former President Hosni Mubarak in
Egypt raise serious questions. Hastened domestic proceedings answering the call of the
street can lead to unfair processes that do not respect the rule of law. At the same time they
run the risk of cheating scores of victims who have waited for decades to pursue justice for
their own cases of torture, disappearance or other violations at the hands of fallen regimes.

A deliberate, careful approach to criminal proceedings is needed to consolidate the gains
of the transitions in Tunisia, Egypt and beyond. International experience, such as that of the
former Yugoslavia, teaches that trials should target those bearing the most responsibility,
while ensuring an independent and fair process - the outcome of which will survive long-term
scrutiny. Both of these goals are important in consolidating democracy. The cost of not doing
so is exemplified by the substandard trials that were held in Iraq.

We must also bear in mind that, while holding the leaders and architects of mass crimes to
account is essential, such trials in themselves are not enough. Not every crime can be prosecuted,
and there are clear limits to the judicial process that often only tell a small part of the national story
of a conflict or authoritarian rule.

It is essential the past be confronted, the truth be told, victims' injuries be redressed and steps be
taken to ensure institutions that perpetrated crimes - such as the police and military - be reformed.
Thus, in addition to the work of international and national courts, broader justice strategies are
essential in transitional societies.

Moreover, the ICC can only be expected to investigate and prosecute a relatively small number
of perpetrators. It was created as a court of last resort, as a backstop to domestic systems
lacking capacity or the necessary political will to prosecute the most serious crimes. It is part
of an international system to combat impunity, where in principle the primary responsibility for
addressing these crimes rests with the state.

Thus we must ensure we not only support the ICC but also national and regional justice mechanisms.
This is the next frontier in the battle against impunity: to make sure gross violations of human rights
are increasingly addressed at the national level.


No statute of limitations


International justice not only addresses crimes committed in the present, but also has inspired
efforts to grapple with accountability for past crimes. For example, in Uganda
proceedings have begun in national courts against a mid-level commander of the Lord's 
Army. In another part of the world, the International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh has 
been established to address events that happened 40 years ago during the war for 
independence from Pakistan (although it must be noted that serious questions have been raised 
about these proceedings).

Resistance

These cases will have to adhere to internationally recognized standards if they are to be
accepted as credible attempts at justice. In this regard, it is worth noting that the High
Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay,recently opposed the extradition of former
dictator Hissène Habré from Senegal to Chad to face criminal justice charges on the grounds
that his rights may be violated during that process. His extradition has now been postponed.
Even where they must wait for justice, the victims of mass crimes are no longer asked to forget.
The mothers of Srebrenica waited almost seventeen years for the arrest of Ratko Mladic, the
prime suspect accused of the genocidal murder of more than 8,000 Bosnian men and boys.
Although inexcusably delayed, his recent arrest in Serbia shows the long arm of the law
reaching across time. This, together with the increasing number of trials held in national courts,
is one of the most important legacies of international justice, as it decisively affects our rapidly
changing world.


David Tolbert is the president of the International Center for Transitional Justice.


The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 
Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
Source:
Al Jazeera