Sunday, November 18, 2012

Doctrine of abuse of right explained



DART PHILIPPINES, INC. vs. SPOUSES FRANCISCO and ERLINDA CALOGCOG, G.R. No. 149241, August 24, 2009.

“x x x.

Preliminarily, the Court admits that, ordinarily, it will not review the findings of fact made by the appellate court. However, jurisprudence lays down several exceptions, among which are the following which obtain in this case: when the judgment is based on a misapprehension of facts and when the appellate court manifestly overlooked certain relevant facts not disputed by the parties, which, if properly considered, could justify a different conclusion.[1] Thus, the Court finds it imperative to evaluate, as in fact it had reviewed, the records of the case, including the evidence adduced during the trial, in relation to the arguments of the parties and the applicable law and jurisprudence.

Under Article 19 of the Civil Code, every person must, in the exercise of his rights and in the performance of his duties, act with justice, give everyone his due, and observe honesty and good faith. To find the existence of abuse of right under the said article, the following elements must be present: (1) there is a legal right or duty; (2) which is exercised in bad faith; (3) for the sole intent of prejudicing or injuring another.[2] Accordingly, the exercise of a right shall always be in accordance with the purpose for which it has been established, and must not be excessive or unduly harsh—there must be no intention to injure another.[3] A person will be protected only when he acts in the legitimate exercise of his right, that is, when he acts with prudence and in good faith, not when he acts with negligence or abuse.[4]

Malice or bad faith is at the core of Article 19 of the Civil Code. Good faith refers to the state of mind which is manifested by the acts of the individual concerned. It consists of the intention to abstain from taking an unconscionable and unscrupulous advantage of another. It is presumed.  Thus, he who alleges bad faith has the duty to prove the same.[5]  Bad faith  does not simply connote bad judgment or simple negligence; it involves a dishonest purpose or some moral obloquy and conscious doing of a wrong, a breach of known duty due to some motives or interest or ill will that partakes of the nature of fraud. Malice connotes ill will or spite and speaks not in response to duty. It implies an intention to do ulterior and unjustifiable harm. Malice is bad faith or bad motive.[6]

At the crux of this controversy, therefore, is whether petitioner acted in bad faith or intended to injure respondents when it caused the auditing of the latter’s account, when it implemented the pre-paid basis in treating the latter’s orders, and when it refused to renew the distributorship agreement.

The Court rules in the negative. We note that in the written correspondence of petitioner to respondents on April 30, 1992 informing the latter of the non-renewal of the distributorship agreement, petitioner already pointed out respondents’ violations of the agreement.  The letter pertinently reads:

We found that you have committed the following acts which are contrary to provisions of Section 2(f) of our Agreement:

(a)       You submitted several “Vanguard Reports” containing false statements of the sales performance of your units. A comparison of the reports you submitted to our office with that actually reported by your managers show that the sales of your units are actually much lower than that reported to Tupperware (Exhibits “G,” “H,” “I,” “J,” “L,” “O,” “P,” “Q,” and “R.”)

(b)      The unauthorized alteration of the mechanics of “Nan’s Challenge,” which is a Tupperware company sponsored promotion campaign. The documentary evidence furnished us, Exhibit “E,” shows that the amount of target party averages were increased by you.

(c)       Charging the managers for accounts of their dealers and for overdue kits (Exhibits “C” and “D”).[7]


The correspondence prompted respondents to make a handwritten promise that they would observe and comply with the terms and conditions of the distributorship agreement.[8] This promise notwithstanding, petitioner was not barred from exercising its right in the agreement to conduct an audit review of respondents’ account. Thus, an audit was made in July 1992. In September 1992, petitioner informed respondents that it was causing the conduct of a second audit review. And as explained in petitioner’s September 11, 1992 correspondence to respondents, the second audit was intended to cover the period not subject of the initial audit (the period prior to January 1 to June 30, 1992, and the period from July 1, 1992 to September 1992).[9] Because respondents objected to the second audit, petitioner exercised its option under the agreement to vary the manner in which orders are processed—this time, instead of the usual credit arrangement, petitioner only admitted respondents’ purchase orders on pre-paid basis. It may be noted that petitioner still processed respondents’ orders and that the pre-paid basis was only implemented during the last month of the agreement, in September 1992. With the expiry of the distributorship agreement on September 30, 1992, petitioner no longer acceded to a renewal of the same.

From these facts, we find that bad faith cannot be attributed to the acts of petitioner. Petitioner’s exercise of its rights under the agreement to conduct an audit, to vary the manner of processing purchase orders, and to refuse the renewal of the agreement was supported by legitimate reasons, principally, to protect its own business. The exercise of its rights was not impelled by any evil motive designed, whimsically and capriciously, to injure or prejudice respondents. The rights exercised were all in accord with the terms and conditions of the distributorship agreement, which has the force of law between them.[10] Clearly, petitioner could not be said to have committed an abuse of its rights. It may not be amiss to state at this juncture that a complaint based on Article 19 of the Civil Code must necessarily fail if it has nothing to support it but innuendos and conjectures.[11]

Given that petitioner has not abused its rights, it should not be held liable for any of the damages sustained by respondents. The law affords no remedy for damages resulting from an act which does not amount to a legal wrong.  Situations like this have been appropriately denominated damnum absque injuria.[12] To this end, the Court reverses and sets aside the trial and appellate courts’ rulings. Nevertheless, the Court sustains the trial court’s order for the reimbursement by petitioner to respondents of P23,500.17, with 12% interest per annum, computed from the filing of the original complaint up to actual payment, representing the salaries of the internal auditors, because, first, the award was never questioned by petitioner,  and second, petitioner was the one which engaged the services of the auditors.

As regards petitioner’s claim for attorney’s fees, the Court cannot grant the same. We emphasized in prior cases that no premium should be placed on the right to litigate. Attorney’s fees are not to be awarded every time a party wins a suit. Even when a claimant is compelled to litigate or to incur expenses to protect his rights, still attorney’s fees may not be awarded where there is no sufficient showing of bad faith in a party’s persistence in a case other than an erroneous conviction of the righteousness of his cause.[13]

X x x.




[1]               Doles v. Angeles, G.R. No. 149353, June 26, 2006, 492 SCRA 607, 615-616.
[2]               BPI Express Card Corporation v. Court of Appeals, 357 Phil. 262, 275 (1998).
[3]               Heirs of Purisima Nala v. Cabansag, G.R. No. 161188, June 13, 2008, 554 SCRA 437, 442-443.
[4]               National Power Corporation v. Philipp Brothers Oceanic, Inc., 421 Phil. 532, 547 (2001).
[5]               Development Bank of the Philippines v. Court of Appeals, G.R. No. 137916, December 8, 2004, 445 SCRA 500, 518.
[6]               Saber v. Court of Appeals, G.R. No. 132981, August 31, 2004, 437 SCRA 259, 278-279.
[7]               Records, p. 98.
[8]               Supra note 9.
[9]               Records, p. 52.
[10]             Barons Marketing Corporation v. Court of Appeals, G.R. No. 126486, February 9, 1998, 286 SCRA 96, 106.
[11]             Nikko Hotel Manila Garden v. Reyes, G.R. No. 154259, February 28, 2005, 452 SCRA 532, 548.
[12]             BPI Express Card Corporation v. Court of Appeals, supra note 31, at 276.
[13]             ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corporation v. Court of Appeals, 361 Phil. 499, 529 (1999).

#AMALAYER and citizen journalism in cyberspace

Amalayer - 

When one creates a scandalous scene in public, she becomes news/newsmaker/"public figure" and her infamous and notorious act deemed a matter of public interest.

In effect, by her public/scandalous/newsworthy behavior she is deemed to have waived her expectation of privacy.

When citizen-journalists/netizens report/expose her (and her newsworthy act) to the world via the social media, why blame the reporter/messenger who simply performed his citizen-journalism advocacy in good faith and without malice?

Live coverage and the rights of the accused | Inquirer Opinion

See - Live coverage and the rights of the accused | Inquirer Opinion

"x x x.


With Due Respect

Live coverage and the rights of the accused

By 
As expected, the Supreme Court resolution (dated Oct. 23, 2012, but known publicly only last week) “disallowing the live media broadcast” of the Maguindanao massacre trials and allowing only the “audio visual recording and streaming of the video coverage … both (1) for documentary purposes and (2) for transmittal to specified viewing areas: (i) outside the courtroom, within the Camp Bagong Diwa premises; and (ii) selected trial courts in Maguindanao, Koronadal, South Cotabato, and General Santos City where relatives of the accused and the victims reside” generated a maelstrom of controversy.
Earlier ruling modified. To be precise, the resolution modified an earlier one issued on June 14, 2011, which allowed “pro hac  vice” the live TV and radio broadcast of this “trial of the decade,” subject to strict guidelines, among them:
• “A single fixed compact camera shall be installed inconspicuously inside the courtroom to provide a single wide-angle full-view of the sala of the trial court. No panning and zooming shall be allowed to avoid highlighting or downplaying incidents in the proceedings…
• “The broadcasting of the proceedings for a particular day must be continuous and in its entirety … [with] no commercial break or any other gap…
• “To avoid overriding or superimposing the audio output from the ongoing proceedings, the proceedings shall be broadcast without any voice-overs, except brief annotations or scenes depicted therein as may be necessary to explain them at the start and end of the scene…”
These guidelines were issued pro  hac  vice, meaning for “this instance only,” and will not apply as a precedent to future cases, because of the unusual circumstances in the Maguindanao massacre in which there are 57 families of victims, 197 accused, 20 sets of lawyers, 200 witnesses for the prosecution, and another 200 for the defense. Since they could not be accommodated in the courtroom, the Supreme Court allowed live broadcast to enable them to monitor the case.
Aquino and Estrada cases. Historically, the Supreme Court had always disallowed live TV and radio coverage of trials. On Oct. 22, 1991, in the libel case filed by President Cory Aquino against Luis Beltran, the Court held:
“Considering the prejudice it poses to the defendant’s rights to due process as well as to the fair and orderly administration of justice, and considering further that the freedom of the press and the right of the people to information may be served and satisfied by less distracting, degrading and prejudicial means, live radio and television coverage of court proceedings shall not be allowed…”
Likewise, in the plunder trial of President Joseph Estrada, the high court a decade later, on June 29, 2001, ruled via an 8-6 vote that as between the constitutional rights of the accused to due process and the orderly administration of justice on the one hand, and the freedom of the press and right to public information of our people on the other, the balance should be weighed in favor of the accused.
However, in a subsequent resolution issued on Sept. 13, 2001, the Court in the same Estrada case “provided a glimmer of hope” when it ordered the installation of cameras inside the courtroom for “documentation purposes.” This resolution was obviously used as basis in allowing the  pro  hac  vice  live broadcast on June 14, 2011.
Mistrial and exclusion. However, the Court now modified this pro  hac  vice  ruling, fearing (1) that the accused could be acquitted on the ground of “mistrial” arising from the public pressure and media hype, and (2) the disqualification of many prosecution witnesses who have not been properly excluded from listening to earlier witnesses.
The Court reverted to the Cory Aquino libel ruling that “Witnesses might be frightened, play to the camera, or become nervous. They are subject to extraordinary out-of-court influences which might affect their testimony. Also, telecasting not only increases the trial judge’s responsibility to avoid actual prejudice to the defendant, it may as well affect his own performance. Judges are human beings also and are subject to the same psychological reactions as laymen. For the defendant, telecasting is a form of mental harassment and subjects him to excessive public exposure and distracts him from the effective presentation of his defense.”
The Court became extra careful in avoiding a mistrial that may ensue from the trial court’s witting or unwitting deprivation of the accused’s constitutional rights to due process and a fair trial, as a consequence of which they could be acquitted on appeal regardless of the evidence of their guilt.
My stand: As a sitting justice when the Estrada case was decided on June 29, 2001, I urged the use of “a single fixed camera under the control of the court… The audio-video output of the camera could be flashed on big, wide TV monitors or projection screens inside and outside the courtroom. This will also enable TV and radio crews outside the courtroom to beam the output to their respective stations for broadcasting to the public, without the ubiquitous and intimidating wiring, lights and media cameras inside the courthouse.”
This single fixed camera allows the public the same view as spectators inside the courtroom; they can see and hear the unfolding proceedings without bothering the judge, the lawyers, the witnesses and the parties. I think technology can widen the reach of the right to information without affecting the litigants’ rights.
* * *
Comments to chiefjusticepanganiban@hotmail.com
x x x."

Wednesday, November 14, 2012

FOI bill and the House hypocrites | Inquirer Opinion

see - House hypocrites | Inquirer Opinion

"x x x.


On the proposal to enact the constitutional promise of freedom of information, the calculated incompetence of the House committee on public information has led to the outcome it wanted all along: deliberate inaction. The committee’s failure on Tuesday to even put the Freedom of Information bill to a vote, after an agonizing procedural detour, means there is very little chance that it will become law under the 15th Congress.
One FOI advocate, Deputy Speaker Lorenzo Tañada III, thinks there may still be time within the month for the committee to redeem itself and report out the bill to the plenary. Most other advocates, however, have looked into the eyes of the House leadership, and read there the bill’s obituary.
The statement issued by the Right to Know Right Now Coalition used the language of crime to describe Tuesday’s legislative maneuver.
“Battery, assault and murder—this was what happened to the FOI bill today at the hearing of the Committee on Public Information of the House of Representatives. The FOI bill is dead in the 15th Congress.”
Forceful, dramatic language, but entirely in the right. What happened the other day (or, rather, what did not happen) amounts to a crime against the people.
It is a crime in which the Aquino administration and the Liberal Party, which came to power in 2010, are complicit. Earlier this year, the administration proposed a substitute FOI bill, which its communication group described as “an integral element of the Aquino Good Governance and Anti-Corruption Plan of 2012-2016, which the President has recently approved subject to further refinements. This plan contains reforms and initiatives that pursue greater transparency, accountability and citizen participation in governance.”
We are aware, of course, that not every administration measure becomes law, and that even priority bills can fail to pass through the legislative mill. But the FOI bill is different, for two distinctive reasons.
First, President Aquino himself campaigned for the presidency on the passage of the FOI bill, among other promises, precisely because he saw it as an integral part of the initiative against corruption. And second, the administration coalition that runs the House can function with enviable efficiency when it wants to; however, when the conduct of the committee on public information can be accurately described as a bitter comedy of procedural errors—failing to find a meeting room in the sprawling Batasan complex to host a committee hearing, for example, or using up the time in a rare committee hearing to discuss the minutiae of procedure that had already been discussed and resolved in a previous meeting—then the truth becomes obvious: The House leadership, and the administration it works closely with, do not want the FOI cause to advance.
The cause of the latest delay in the already extended legislative struggle over the FOI bill betrays the real issue at stake.
For some inexplicable reason, committee chair Rep. Ben Evardone (incredibly, a former journalist) allowed Rep. Rodolfo Antonino on Tuesday to complain interminably about the supposed failure of the Technical Working Group to consider Antonino’s right of reply bill. This was absurd on many levels. The procedural issue had already been taken up. The urgency surrounding the FOI bill could not be denied. Not least, the right of reply measure had nothing substantive in common with the FOI bill. The very concept of right of reply is philosophically antagonistic to freedom of information; it is a patently unconstitutional attempt to control the editorial content of the news media. That it managed to suck up all the remaining oxygen in Evardone’s rare, ridiculous hearing is telling.
It tells us that the real issue is not journalistic responsibility in the use of public records, or even the government transparency that FOI seeks to put in place, but political power. Or to be more precise: the power of the political class.
The right-of-reply feint is the political class’ attempt to level the playing field, as the politicians understand it, in their favor: They seek to exchange the privileges they would lose under an enacted FOI with the privileges they think they will enjoy once politicians get to dictate editorial content. Battery, assault—and murder.
x x x."

Tuesday, November 13, 2012

Palace dismayed by SC ‘no live coverage’ ruling | Inquirer News

See - Palace dismayed by SC ‘no live coverage’ ruling | Inquirer News

"x x x.


Guidelines, not ban
“With due respect to the Supreme Court, although I still have to look into the justifications and basis of the decision,  I’m always against restricting media coverage because remember the Maguindanao massacre is supposed to be the trial of the century insofar as the Philippine justice system is concerned,” Justice Secretary Leila de Lima told reporters Monday.
“It’s not only us that is interested, but the international community as well,” De Lima said.
Told that among the court’s explanation for the new ruling was the need to protect the rights of the accused, De Lima said that the “remedy should be clear guidelines on how reporting should be done by the media but banning media coverage I think should probably not be (the case).”
On June 14, 2011, the court allowed the live broadcast of the trial by television and radio but subject to certain guidelines of the trial court.
On Oct. 23 this year, however, it reversed itself, explaining the need to protect the rights of the accused as well as the witnesses.
The court resolution was in response to four petitions: The partial motion for reconsideration filed by two relatives of the victims on the guidelines for the coverage which they said constituted prior restraint; Andal Ampatuan Jr.’s motion for reconsideration where he said the live coverage deprived him of his right to due process and equal protection; the consolidated comment of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines, which said Ampatuan did not present new and convincing arguments; and a comment by the Office of the Solicitor General for President Aquino that a live media coverage of the hearings “neither constitutes a barbarous act nor inflicts upon the accused inhuman physical harm or torture that is shocking to the conscience.”
x x x."

Conflict of Lawyer Doing Outsourced Work Will Not Be Imputed to Firm That Pays Her | Bloomberg BNA

See --  Conflict of Lawyer Doing Outsourced Work Will Not Be Imputed to Firm That Pays Her | Bloomberg BNA

It will be good for the PHL to adopt a similar ethical view as the one described in the article below.


"x x x.


Conflict of Lawyer Doing Outsourced Work Will Not Be Imputed to Firm That Pays Her

By Kirk Swanson 

A law firm representing the plaintiff in a lawsuit is not subject to imputed disqualification based on the fact that it outsources work to a lawyer who formerly represented the defendant in the same litigation, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Florida decided Oct. 5 (Brown v. Florida Dep't of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles, N.D. Fla., No. 4:09-cv-171-RS-CAS, 10/5/12).

Judge Richard Smoak determined that the former government lawyer--who has not had any involvement with the plaintiff in this matter--is not “associated” with the plaintiff's law firm under their working arrangement. Therefore, he said, the provisions on imputed disqualification in Florida Rules of Professional Conduct 4-1.10 and 4-1.11 are not triggered.

Vicarious Disqualification Rules
Florida Rules of Professional Conduct 4-1.10 and 4-1.11 both premise a firm's imputed disqualification upon the conflicts of a lawyer who is “associated” with the firm: 

Rule 1.10(b) states, in part: 
“When a lawyer becomes associated with a firm, the firm may not knowingly represent a person in the same or a substantially related matter in which that lawyer, or a firm with which the lawyer was associated, had previously represented a client whose interests are materially adverse to that person….”

Rule 1.11(b) states, in part: 
“When a lawyer is disqualified from representation under subdivision (a), no lawyer in a firm with which that lawyer is associated may knowingly undertake or continue representation in such a matter unless” specified conditions are met.


The court stressed that simply denominating a working relationship as “outsourcing” is not the deciding factor. “Determining whether an attorney is associated or unassociated requires an analysis of all the circumstances,” it said.

In nearly identical opinions issued the same day, the court also refused to disqualify the plaintiffs' law firm in several cases, based on the outsourced-work lawyer's former representation of the defendants at a private law firm before she joined the office of the attorney general and prior to her resuming private practice at the outsourcing law firm (Mituma v. Syn-Tech Systems Inc., N.D. Fla., No. 4:11-cv-430-RS-CAS, 10/5/12; Hudson v. Florida Commerce Credit Union, N.D. Fla., No. 4:11-cv-612-RS-CAS, 10/5/12; Roddenberry v. Wakulla County Bd. of County Commissioners,N.D. Fla., No. 4:11-cv-204-RS-CAS, 10/5/12).

x x x."

Law firm partners

See - 5 Law Firm Partner Types and How to Deal With Them - Firm Life - Greedy Associates

"x x x.


5 Law Firm Partner Types and How to Deal With Them

| No TrackBacks
Your early law firm experience usually boils down to luck -- and the type of law partner you're assigned to.
If you get a partner who is pleasant to work with, you may be one of those lucky few associates who has a long and fruitful career. Get stuck with a screamer? You may end up becoming a blogger by year's end.
Law partner types vary from firm to firm, and the disparity among partner types is often evident. Yet despite there being thousands of firms and even more law partners, law partner types typically fit into five general categories. They are:
1. English Professor. Perhaps the worst partner type on this list, this partner thinks she was an English professor in a past life and will redline your internal memos/emails to death with inconsequential grammar corrections. You'll spend hours fixing your grammatical errors and then get an earful when you spend seven hours writing, editing, and re-editing a two-paragraph memo that no one will see outside of you and the partner.
How should you deal with Professor types? Manage your expectations. Once you realize every single thing you do will come back to you, it won't hurt so bad.
2. Alpha Male Screamer. When he isn't taekwondo-ing opponents in court, he's jumping off helicopters or fighting in a cage. Full of bluster and tall tales, this partner will scream, berate, and verbally assault you because you need to be reminded constantly that he is more of a man than you.
How should you deal with Screamers? Proceed with caution. You may find that screaming back sometimes works. An alpha male screamer is basically a workplace bully, and just like in the schoolyard, you may need to stand up to him. Just make sure you have legs to stand on (i.e., know the cases you cite really well).
3. Mindreader. You'll get a five-minute talk on what it is you need to research. You'll then spend the next five hours trying to figure out exactly what it is you're supposed to be doing. And even after those five hours, you'll usually write something that's completely wrong or research something that has nothing to do with the case.
How should you deal with Mindreaders? Ask questions. Swallow your pride, and go back and ask questions. If you're still uncertain, brace yourself for the partner's annoyance and return again. Chances are this isn't the first time the Mindreader has been asked for clarification.
4. Mr. Nice Guy. Be very wary of the "cool" partner in the office. That's because there's no such thing as a cool partner. If you're out getting drinks or just shooting the breeze in his office, be careful what you say and never spread gossip. You will get the urge to let your hair down and confide in the cool partner. Never do so. Partners are loyal to each other, not first- or second- year associates.
How should you deal with Mr. Nice Guys? You can be fun and have a good time. Even joke around. But always remember you are still dealing with your boss.
5. The Delegating Partner. It's a strange thing, but young associates are usually tasked with the most difficult research projects. Partners rarely do hardcore research on their own, and will delegate to their associates anything they don't know the answer to off the top of their heads. So be prepared to research things that have no answer, and issues that could seriously hurt the client in question.
How should you deal with Delegating Partners? Perform meticulous research and bill without caring what gets chopped off. Perform good work, and other partners will soon feed you work.
Related Resources:

Sunday, November 11, 2012

Interviewing a Lawyer - FindLaw

See -  Interviewing a Lawyer - FindLaw

"x x x.


Once you have identified a handful of lawyers who might suit your needs (perhaps they are in your neighborhood, or specialize in a certain type of case), you may be able to set up an initial consultation on the telephone so that you can ask some preliminary questions before you commit yourself to a formal, in-person interview. Ideally, the answers you get will help you screen candidates until you have only a few lawyers to interview. To help you choose a lawyer, it might also be a good idea to write down any answers you get. You can compare the answers to help you choose the lawyer(s) you would like to interview.
Some initial questions you might ask include:
  • Does the lawyer provide a free consultation? If the lawyer charges for an initial interview, how much does it cost? How long is the initial interview or consultation?
  • What type of fee arrangement does the lawyer require? Can you negotiate the fees? Additional information about legal fees and costs may help you ask additional questions on this topic.
  • Has the lawyer handled similar cases? What percentage of the lawyer's cases are similar to yours? When was the last time the lawyer handled a similar case?
  • How long has the lawyer been in practice? Where is the lawyer licensed to practice? Has the lawyer been investigated or disciplined before by state licensing authorities? If so, for what?
  • Can the lawyer provide references from other clients?
  • If the lawyer cannot handle your case, can the lawyer provide references to other lawyers?
  • What type of information should you bring to a meeting with the lawyer?
  • What is the range of possible outcomes for your case, including rough estimates of time and cost? Based on your brief description of the problem, your lawyer may be able to provide some general estimates.
  • Will the lawyer handle the case or will others work on it also?
  • What type of caseload does the lawyer currently have? What is the scope of the lawyer's existing commitments? Will the lawyer have sufficient time to devote to your case?
If you are able to narrow down your choices, you should be able to make an appointment with a lawyer to discuss the case in detail. During the initial interview you will likely be asked about the specifics of your case. In order to prepare for the meeting, you should gather all the information (documents, contact information) pertinent too your situation. You will want to bring those materials, along with a set of questions about the legal relationship you may have to the meeting.
x x x."

Kennedy to Sotto: 'This is a clear case of plagiarism'

See - Kennedy to Sotto: 'This is a clear case of plagiarism'

"x x x.


MANILA, Philippines - Long is the saga of Sottogate, yet allegations against Senator Tito Sotto continue.
Now 4 US copyright holders have spoken out, including the president of the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights: RFK’s daughter, Kerry Kennedy.
All this began again the other day, when Sarah Pope, Janice Formichella, and Peter Engelman issued a joint statement alleging that Sotto had “infringed on our intellectual property rights and plagiarized.”
Their protest was swiftly dismissed by Sotto and his staff, who, according to GMA News, “questioned its authenticity, pointing out that it did not even have an official letterhead.”
This, after Sotto’s chief of staff, Hector Villacorta, reportedly said they would address the issue only afterthe aggrieved parties complained.
Complain they have, in no uncertain terms. Yet when Formichella wrote about the issue in Ms. Magazine, Sotto churlishly said: “She is pathetic. She is just riding on to get famous.”
When Engelman wrote a statement, he was ignored completely. And when Sotto was asked about his alleged plagiarism of Kennedy’s speech, our Senate Majority Leader replied: “The people who think this is plagiarism should think again. I did not copy it, I translated it. Do they know the spelling of ‘copy’ and ‘translate’? They have low IQ!”
And so I present to Messrs Sotto and Villacorta this fourth complaint. On official letterhead. From someone who knows the spelling of copy and translate, and undeniably needs not ride on to get famous. Such is Ms Kennedy’s track record in continuing her father’s legacy.

2012-11-09 Updated Letter Re Senator Sotto
Complaint
What now? Kennedy’s complaint, along with that of the other 3 writers, will be added to next week’s case before the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges.
It is being filed by a long list of concerned Filipinos, who are trusting the mechanisms of our democracy. They know that too often we let wrongs rouse us, tire us, and retire into forgetting. Their case, at the very least, will reveal the true mettle of the Senate as it scrutinizes one of their own.
So grab your popcorn; the curtains are being drawn open. There will be doubt cast over the authenticity of these letters, though journalists from respected Philippine news organizations will have already contacted the parties involved to confirm them. There will be assertions that plagiarism isn’t a crime, though this case is a question of Senate ethics; besides, Justice
Secretary Leila De Lima has already said that plagiarism is indeed a criminal offence under existing Philippine law and under the Cybercrime Act.
There will even be conspiracy theories that this is a surrogate attack regarding other issues, such as the RH Bill, though such inevitable overlaps can’t diminish the validity of the plagiarism allegations and the clarity of Sotto’s transgressions.
And there will be aspersions cast on those who continue to speak out against Sotto, though they’ve only ever sought comment, discussion, and the due process before the appropriate judging body; nothing ever wrong with holding our leaders accountable and seeing something through to the proper end.
It’s now up to us—to demand honesty, transparency, and accountability from the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges. Sotto may have threatened his critics with the draconian defamation section of the Cybercrime Act, but even censorship can be less insidious than our inattentiveness, cynicism, and short-memories—what certain politicians count on for longevity. The committee must know we’re behind them.
For theirs is no enviable mandate. The onus is on them to prove they can act justly, serving our democracy and not themselves or each other. (Remember: As Senate Majority Leader, Sotto is also an ex-officio member of the committee, comprised of his workmates.)
Their company of seven is the conscience and soul of that august body, tasked with “all matters relating to the conduct, rights, privileges, safety, dignity, integrity and reputation of the Senate and its Members.”
We should let them know we care. I urge you to email the committee members if you agree that Tito Sotto’s conduct abused those rights and privileges, made a mockery of the dignity and integrity of the Senate, and endangered its reputation.
Their chairperson is Senator Alan Peter Cayetano, and the other committee members are Senators Miriam Defensor Santiago, Gregorio Honasan, Loren Legarda, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., Lito Lapid, and Joker Arroyo.
It’ll take you barely a minute.
Even feel free to "sottocopy" the handy statement below to their email addresses (taken from the official Senate website): Alancayetano@yahoo.com; miriam@miriam.com.ph; gringobhonasan@gmail.com; loren@lorenlegarda.com.ph; inquiry.bbmoffice@gmail.com; sen.litolapid@senate.gov.ph; office_sen_jokerarroyo@yahoo.com
Honorable Senator:
I am one of thousands of concerned Filipino citizens protesting the disreputable conduct of Senate Majority Leader Tito Sotto. I call on the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges to address this important issue of ethics, integrity, and accountability. I believe Senator Sotto’s speeches unethically plagiarized and illegally infringed on intellectual copyright laws in the Philippines and in countries with whom we are connected through the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works.
I believe Sotto’s subsequent denials insulted the intelligence and dignity of Filipinos everywhere, and that his threats to censor his critics with the Cybercrime Act constitute an abuse of power and an attack on free speech. I believe that the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges has the right, the mandate, and the courage to censure their colleague.
I believe in Philippine democracy, and call on you, the leaders we elected, to ensure its proper, just, and ethical function. - Rappler.com

(The author is a freelance writer. He is the literary editor of The Manila Review and has written for the New York Times, the International Herald Tribune, the Globe & Mail, the CBC, and various international publications. His critically acclaimed novel Ilustrado, translated into more than 15 languages, earned the Palanca Award and the Man Asian Literary Prize in 2008, and was a New York Times Notable Book of 2010, among other accolades.)
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